Sunday, December 30, 2007

Bhutto -- Assissination -- What Can We Know?

 
 
What Can We Know?
 
 
 
        So far, we can pretty much tell the following:  Bhutto was shot in the neck by a man on a motorcycle who them blew himself up with him, killing at least 24 others as well.  Another shot hit her from her left side, pointing to a sniper somewhere in the other direction for the pistol shots.  Musharrif's government states that it was the Taliban along with Al-Quaeda and they produced a transcript of an alledged phone call confirming it.  Bhutto's part lays the blame firmly with Musharrif.  The ISI, the intelligence unity within the Pakistani Army, wants the army to maintain control and Bhutto threatened that.  The last time Bhutto was thrown out of power, it was done by the Army, Haq leading the overthrow.  Al-Quada usually does things in twos and cordinated attacks and always takes credit.  So do all other religious fundamentalist groups in that area.  Most probably, she was killed at the planning a behest of the intelligence division of the army.  It is also fairly clear that the Bush administration wanted her to bolster Musharrif's popularity, but to keep her mouth shut otherwise.  She didn't.
 
    After following the analysis, Tarik Ali and a few others give us the best insight and I reprint it here, along with analysis when it seems to be needed.
 
*******************
This is the pitiful attempt of the Paki government to deflect suspicion:

Transcript of alleged al-Qaida intercept

By The Associated Press2 hours, 8 minutes ago

A transcript released by the Pakistani government Friday of a purported conversation between militant leader Baitullah Mehsud, who is referred to as Emir Sahib, and another man identified as a Maulvi Sahib, or Mr. Cleric. The government alleges the intercepted conversation proves al-Qaida was behind the assassination of Benazir Bhutto:

Maulvi Sahib: Peace be on you.

Mehsud: Peace be on you, too.

That's telling him!

Maulvi Sahib: How are you Emir Sahib?

Mehsud: Fine.

Maulvi Sahib: Congratulations. I arrived now tonight.

Mehsud: Congratulations to you, too.

Maulvi Sahib: They were our men there.

Mehsud: Who were they?

Maulvi Sahib : There were Saeed, the second was Badarwala Bilal and Ikramullah was also there.

Mehsud: The three did it?

Maulvi Sahib: Ikramullah and Bilal did it.

Mehsud: Then congratulations to you again.

Even here, then, we have the multiple, or at least two, assassins theory.  The point is, it was not one fanatic acting alone.  I can take more more of this a indicative of anything.

 

Maulvi: Where are you? I want to meet with you?

Mehsud: I am in Makin. Come I am at Anwar Shah's home.

Maulvi Sahib: OK I will come.

Mehsud: Do not inform their family presently.

Maulvi Sahib: Right.

Mehsud: It was a spectacular job. They were very brave boys who killed her.

Again, the plural.  Also, from a cultural standpoint, I would expect them to be called "men" and at lwast one a "brave Martyr."

 

Maulvi Sahib: Praise be to God. I will give you more details when I come.

Mehsud: I will wait for you. Congratulation once again.

Maulvi Sahib: Congratulations to you as well.

Mehsud: Any service?

Mauvliv: Thank you very much?

Mehsud: Peace be on you.

Maulvi: Same to you.

 

********************

Here is a general background on Bhutto from the Guardian (which I have found the most reliable source so far.

Profile: Benazir Bhutto

Moderniser, moderate, martyr

Mark Tran
Thursday December 27, 2007

Guardian Unlimited

The death of Benazir Bhutto is not just a tragedy for her family but threatens to plunge Pakistan deeper into political turmoil, at a time when it was desperately seeking to regain some semblance of stability.

Already her supporters are describing Bhutto, her life cut short at 54, as a martyr, and leaders of her Pakistan People's party (PPP) will have to struggle to keep feelings of revenge in check.

For the west, Bhutto's death is just about the worst outcome, as the US and Britain had been banking on her pro-western and moderate leanings to keep Pakistan onside and help stem the rising tide of militancy in the country.

It is easy to see why the west liked Bhutto and why it put pressure on the president, Pervez Musharraf, to ally himself to the former prime minister to make the country more stable in the fight against Islamist militants.

The western-educated Bhutto had energetically made the case for democratic ideals as part of a well-orchestrated campaign to gain a third prime ministerial term at a crucial time in Pakistan's turbulent history.

For Bhutto, democracies do not go to war against each other and democratic governments do not harbour terrorists - and a democratic Pakistan, free from military dictatorship, would cease to be a haven for terrorists. The US president, George Bush, could hardly put it better himself.

Bhutto, who survived an assassination attempt when she returned from exile in October, had plenty of time to hone an image designed to appeal to the west. The first female prime minister to lead a Muslim country in modern times, Bhutto had been visiting western capitals recently, laying out her vision for Pakistan.

In doing so, she presented herself as a moderate, willing to stand up to the Islamist militants in the madrassas and to take on the pro-Taliban fighters in the lawless Afghan border areas instead of making truces.

She claimed that during her two terms as prime minister she was willing to confront the extremists and terrorists. Madrassas were reformed during her tenure, she said, and those that were too radical and violent were shut down.

There is some truth to this. As prime minister she showed more interest in human rights and the position of women in a traditional society, and she never attacked non-governmental organisations as did Nawaz Sharif, her main rival. On religious matters she had a more modern outlook, although like her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, she was also willing to pander to religious groups for short-term benefit.

Despite her modernising instincts, which are shared by Musharraf, analysts point to a lack of reform when Bhutto was in charge. The same applies to Sharif.

"Neither pushed through any significant reforms," says Owen Bennett Jones in his book, Pakistan. "In national policy terms, their most important shared characteristic was their ability to run up huge levels of foreign debt."

And then there are the allegations of corruption that twice drove her from power. The supreme court ruled that Bhutto could still face prosecution on charges mostly related to alleged kickbacks in her second term as prime minister between 1993 and 1996. Bhutto said charges against her and her husband, Asif Zardari, who is widely known as Mr 10%, were politically motivated.

Initially, the Oxford- and Harvard-educated Bhutto wanted to be a diplomat. But events forced her into politics. In 1977 her father, Pakistan's first democratically elected leader after the civil war that led to the creation of Bangladesh, was deposed as prime minister in a military coup led by General Zia ul-Haq. Imprisoned and charged with murder, he was executed two years later.

She was imprisoned just before her father's death. During stints out of prison for medical treatment, she set up a PPP office in London, and led a campaign against Zia. After the general died in an air crash, Bhutto won the election.

Not everyone associated with the still popular PPP has been comfortable with her recent cosying up to Musharraf. Former party members and estranged family have accused her of betraying her father's legacy. Mumtaz Ali Bhutto, Benazir's great-uncle and head of the Bhutto clan, has gone so far as to say that she has disgraced the Bhutto name.

It seems a somewhat harsh assessment, especially now given the circumstances of her death.

Guardian Unlimited © Guardian News and Media Limited 2007
 
 
*******************
Here is a piece written by Tarik Ali, pictured above.  Besides being of the same general calibre of Noam chomsky, the late Edward Said, and Howard Zinn, he is also a native Pakistani, knew Bhutto well, and is not clouded by any religious fog.

A tragedy born of military despotism and anarchy



The assassination of Benazir Bhutto heaps despair upon Pakistan. Now her party must be democratically rebuilt

Tariq Ali
Friday December 28, 2007
The Guardian


Even those of us sharply critical of Benazir Bhutto's behaviour and policies - both while she was in office and more recently - are stunned and angered by her death. Indignation and fear stalk the country once again.

An odd coexistence of military despotism and anarchy created the conditions leading to her assassination in Rawalpindi yesterday. In the past, military rule was designed to preserve order - and did so for a few years. No longer. Today it creates disorder and promotes lawlessness. How else can one explain the sacking of the chief justice and eight other judges of the country's supreme court for attempting to hold the government's intelligence agencies and the police accountable to courts of law? Their replacements lack the backbone to do anything, let alone conduct a proper inquest into the misdeeds of the agencies to uncover the truth behind the carefully organised killing of a major political leader.

How can Pakistan today be anything but a conflagration of despair? It is assumed that the killers were jihadi fanatics. This may well be true, but were they acting on their own?

Benazir, according to those close to her, had been tempted to boycott the fake elections, but she lacked the political courage to defy Washington. She had plenty of physical courage, and refused to be cowed by threats from local opponents. She had been addressing an election rally in Liaquat Bagh. This is a popular space named after the country's first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, who was killed by an assassin in 1953. The killer, Said Akbar, was immediately shot dead on the orders of a police officer involved in the plot. Not far from here, there once stood a colonial structure where nationalists were imprisoned. This was Rawalpindi jail. It was here that Benazir's father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was hanged in April 1979. The military tyrant responsible for his judicial murder made sure the site of the tragedy was destroyed as well.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's death poisoned relations between his Pakistan People's party and the army. Party activists, particularly in the province of Sind, were brutally tortured, humiliated and, sometimes, disappeared or killed.

Pakistan's turbulent history, a result of continuous military rule and unpopular global alliances, confronts the ruling elite now with serious choices. They appear to have no positive aims. The overwhelming majority of the country disapproves of the government's foreign policy. They are angered by its lack of a serious domestic policy except for further enriching a callous and greedy elite that includes a swollen, parasitic military. Now they watch helplessly as politicians are shot dead in front of them.

Benazir had survived the bomb blast yesterday but was felled by bullets fired at her car. The assassins, mindful of their failure in Karachi a month ago, had taken out a double insurance this time. They wanted her dead. It is impossible for even a rigged election to take place now. It will have to be postponed, and the military high command is no doubt contemplating another dose of army rule if the situation gets worse, which could easily happen.

What has happened is a multilayered tragedy. It's a tragedy for a country on a road to more disasters. Torrents and foaming cataracts lie ahead. And it is a personal tragedy. The house of Bhutto has lost another member. Father, two sons and now a daughter have all died unnatural deaths.

I first met Benazir at her father's house in Karachi when she was a fun-loving teenager, and later at Oxford. She was not a natural politician and had always wanted to be a diplomat, but history and personal tragedy pushed in the other direction. Her father's death transformed her. She had become a new person, determined to take on the military dictator of that time. She had moved to a tiny flat in London, where we would endlessly discuss the future of the country. She would agree that land reforms, mass education programmes, a health service and an independent foreign policy were positive constructive aims and crucial if the country was to be saved from the vultures in and out of uniform. Her constituency was the poor, and she was proud of the fact.

She changed again after becoming prime minister. In the early days, we would argue and in response to my numerous complaints - all she would say was that the world had changed. She couldn't be on the "wrong side" of history. And so, like many others, she made her peace with Washington. It was this that finally led to the deal with Musharraf and her return home after more than a decade in exile. On a number of occasions she told me that she did not fear death. It was one of the dangers of playing politics in Pakistan.

It is difficult to imagine any good coming out of this tragedy, but there is one possibility. Pakistan desperately needs a political party that can speak for the social needs of a bulk of the people. The People's party founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was built by the activists of the only popular mass movement the country has known: students, peasants and workers who fought for three months in 1968-69 to topple the country's first military dictator. They saw it as their party, and that feeling persists in some parts of the country to this day, despite everything.

Benazir's horrific death should give her colleagues pause for reflection. To be dependent on a person or a family may be necessary at certain times, but it is a structural weakness, not a strength for a political organisation. The People's party needs to be refounded as a modern and democratic organisation, open to honest debate and discussion, defending social and human rights, uniting the many disparate groups and individuals in Pakistan desperate for any halfway decent alternative, and coming forward with concrete proposals to stabilise occupied and war-torn Afghanistan. This can and should be done. The Bhutto family should not be asked for any more sacrifices.

· Tariq Ali's book The Duel: Pakistan on the Flightpath of American Power is published in 2008 tariq.ali3@btinternet.com



***************************************
 
 

Thursday, December 27, 2007

Bhutto Assassinated

 
DEAD
 
 
Right now, just in case noone heard, Benazir Bhutto, former Prime Minister of Pakistan has been assinated.
 
There has been much speculation as to responsibility, but it is most likely that factions of the military were responsible, using the typical suicide bomb as a distraction.  She was skillfully shot three times before the bomber blew himself up and took at least 20 more lives with him.
 
Here is a factual report from the Guardian:
 


Profile: Benazir Bhutto
Moderniser, moderate, martyr

Mark Tran
Thursday December 27, 2007

Guardian Unlimited

The death of Benazir Bhutto is not just a tragedy for her family but threatens to plunge Pakistan deeper into political turmoil, at a time when it was desperately seeking to regain some semblance of stability.

Already her supporters are describing Bhutto, her life cut short at 54, as a martyr, and leaders of her Pakistan People's party (PPP) will have to struggle to keep feelings of revenge in check.

For the west, Bhutto's death is just about the worst outcome, as the US and Britain had been banking on her pro-western and moderate leanings to keep Pakistan onside and help stem the rising tide of militancy in the country.

It is easy to see why the west liked Bhutto and why it put pressure on the president, Pervez Musharraf, to ally himself to the former prime minister to make the country more stable in the fight against Islamist militants.

The western-educated Bhutto had energetically made the case for democratic ideals as part of a well-orchestrated campaign to gain a third prime ministerial term at a crucial time in Pakistan's turbulent history.

For Bhutto, democracies do not go to war against each other and democratic governments do not harbour terrorists - and a democratic Pakistan, free from military dictatorship, would cease to be a haven for terrorists. The US president, George Bush, could hardly put it better himself.

Bhutto, who survived an assassination attempt when she returned from exile in October, had plenty of time to hone an image designed to appeal to the west. The first female prime minister to lead a Muslim country in modern times, Bhutto had been visiting western capitals recently, laying out her vision for Pakistan.

In doing so, she presented herself as a moderate, willing to stand up to the Islamist militants in the madrassas and to take on the pro-Taliban fighters in the lawless Afghan border areas instead of making truces.

She claimed that during her two terms as prime minister she was willing to confront the extremists and terrorists. Madrassas were reformed during her tenure, she said, and those that were too radical and violent were shut down.

There is some truth to this. As prime minister she showed more interest in human rights and the position of women in a traditional society, and she never attacked non-governmental organisations as did Nawaz Sharif, her main rival. On religious matters she had a more modern outlook, although like her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, she was also willing to pander to religious groups for short-term benefit.

Despite her modernising instincts, which are shared by Musharraf, analysts point to a lack of reform when Bhutto was in charge. The same applies to Sharif.

"Neither pushed through any significant reforms," says Owen Bennett Jones in his book, Pakistan. "In national policy terms, their most important shared characteristic was their ability to run up huge levels of foreign debt."

And then there are the allegations of corruption that twice drove her from power. The supreme court ruled that Bhutto could still face prosecution on charges mostly related to alleged kickbacks in her second term as prime minister between 1993 and 1996. Bhutto said charges against her and her husband, Asif Zardari, who is widely known as Mr 10%, were politically motivated.

Initially, the Oxford- and Harvard-educated Bhutto wanted to be a diplomat. But events forced her into politics. In 1977 her father, Pakistan's first democratically elected leader after the civil war that led to the creation of Bangladesh, was deposed as prime minister in a military coup led by General Zia ul-Haq. Imprisoned and charged with murder, he was executed two years later.

She was imprisoned just before her father's death. During stints out of prison for medical treatment, she set up a PPP office in London, and led a campaign against Zia. After the general died in an air crash, Bhutto won the election.

Not everyone associated with the still popular PPP has been comfortable with her recent cosying up to Musharraf. Former party members and estranged family have accused her of betraying her father's legacy. Mumtaz Ali Bhutto, Benazir's great-uncle and head of the Bhutto clan, has gone so far as to say that she has disgraced the Bhutto name.

It seems a somewhat harsh assessment, especially now given the circumstances of her death.

Guardian Unlimited © Guardian News and Media Limited 2007

Tuesday, December 25, 2007

Real Peace -- Contest

  

Anyone recognize this quotation?  Who wrote it?

 

 

  The means to real peace. No government admits any more that it

    keeps an army to satisfy occasionally the desire for conquest.

    Rather the army is supposed to serve for defense, and one invokes

    the morality that approves of self-defense. But this implies one's

    own morality and the neighbor's immorality; for the neighbor must be

    thought of as eager to attack and conquer if our state must think of

    means of self-defense. Moreover, the reasons we give for requiring

    an army imply that our neighbor, who denies the desire for conquest

    just as much as does our own state, and who, for his part, also

    keeps an army only for reasons of self-defense, is a hypocrite and a

    cunning criminal who would like nothing better than to overpower a

    harmless and awkward victim without any fight. Thus all states are

    now ranged against each other: they presuppose their neighbor's bad

    disposition and their own good disposition. This presupposition,

    however, is inhumane, as bad as war and worse. At bottom, indeed,

    it is itself the challenge and the cause of wars, because, as I have

    said, it attributes immorality to the neighbor and thus provokes a

    hostile disposition and act. We must abjure the doctrine of the army

    as a means of self-defense just as completely as the desire for

    conquests. And perhaps the great day will come when people,

    distinguished by wars and victories and by the highest development

    of a military order and intelligence, and accustomed to make the

    heaviest sacrifices for these things, will exclaim of its own free

    will, "We break the sword," and will smash its entire military

    establishment down to its lowest foundations. Rendering oneself

    unarmed when one had been the best-armed, out of a height of

    feeling -- that is the means to real peace, which must always rest on

    a peace of mind; whereas the so-called armed peace, as it now exists

    in all countries, is the absence of peace of mind. One trusts

    neither oneself nor one's neighbor and, half from hatred, half from

    fear, does not lay down arms. Rather perish than hate and fear, and

    twice rather perish than make oneself hated and feared -- this must

    someday become the highest maxim for every single commonwealth. Our

    liberal representatives, as is well known, lack the time for

    reflecting on the nature of man: else they would know that they work

    in vain when they work for a "gradual decrease of the military

    burden." Rather, only when this kind of need has become greatest

    will the kind of god be nearest who alone can help here. The tree of

    war-glory can only be destroyed all at once, by a stroke of

    lightning: but lightning, as indeed you know, comes from a cloud -- and

    from up high.

 

 

Monday, December 24, 2007

A Worthwhile Celebration


The Winter Celebration
This time of the year, especially this year, leaves less and less to celebrate. In fact, there is hardly and reason to celebrate anything anymore. There may be a few happy moments here and there, but the senseless killing that continues leaves no ritualistic period untouched. This particular week, we have seen only stock market reports and airline delays as well as major highway shutdowns and deaths on our interstate highway system, all precipitated by a few days off for those fortunate enough to still remain employed during which they are obligated out of habit to spend money they do not have to send things to people they have no real use for and whom they would just as soon never see again.
One wonders how many Beethovens, or potential Beethovens, or great artists have either been killed by war or aborted by poverty or economics. This winter solstice is the anniversary of Beethovin's premire performance of his fifth symphony, and his sixth, as well as his fourth piano concerto, all at the same concert, with Beethoven as conductor and pianist. How often in the history of the universe does a phenomenon such as that occur? Yet I know of no mass celebration of what is clearly one of the greatest accomplishments of humanity. Beethoven spent his life yearning for international peace and brotherhood and eventually expressed in in his 9th symphony which you may hear this season, complete with the text of Schiller's "Ode to Joy". I shudder to think how many people may sit through a performance of it out of a sense of duty.
Is it too much to believe that such accomplishments can be paralled? In 1595, in England alone, perhaps 100,000 people were able to read and write English, and this is being generous. Out of this came Edmund Spenser, Sir Philip Sidney, Nash, Greene, Sir Philip Sidney, Ben Jonson, William Shakespeare, Sir Francis Bacon, and many others whose literature survives and lives to this day. Imagine any city or town with a population of 100,000 and imagine what would come out of it today? In addition, at that time, 95% of everything written was written in Latin, the remaining 5% in the various "living languages." The King James version of the Bible was to follow as was John Milton.
And it was not a matter of these people, these great artists, being unrecognized in their own time. Beethoven himself was widely praised, most prominently by Haydn who had also praised Mozart. However, Goethe and Beethoven were reportedly walking together down a street and passersby would wave. Goethe lightly ovserved that these people should stop flattering him with the recognition and Beethoven reportedly asked "How do you know they are not waving at me?" There was no contradiction.
So we can think of Goethe and Beethoven, Shakespeare and Spenser, and look for our modern parallels. Perhaps Nietzsche was right when he said that Darwin had it wrong, that "survival of the mediocre" is the rule. Even more of a warning is the thought that they both were right -- the fittest are the mediocre.
Solstice.

Saturday, December 22, 2007

correction

In the last edition, I mentioned that Democracy Now was on over 500 radio stations.   I have since learned that the correct number should be "over 650",
 
charles
 

Wednesday, December 19, 2007

Fw: Tis the Season -- Man of the Year



Illustration: Time Magazine just named its man of the year. He is cited as improving his countries stature abroad, improving its economy, his contribution to civil rights, and its security. Now, guess which one it is.
(This also works well as our illustrator just might do some more illustrations for us, eventually, if we run this photo enough times. -- ed.)
______________________________
This issue attempts to express "Goodwill towards Men" (naturally, in the gender-neutral sense of the word) by reprinting in it's entirety a transcript for the Radio and Television show called Democracy Now. It is aired on over 500 radio stations world-wide and can be seen on Free Speech TV and Link TV on either satellite provider. This was aired yesterday. Today, there was another full-hour discussing another Blackwater case and still another private contractor, all of which is done in our name, and, of course, after careful consultation with God who reportedly said "Yeah, good idea -- go get 'em George". The transcript of today's show can be found at their website.
I just want to take the opportunity to point out that, despite all the criticism and his resignation, Gonzales was the best Attorney General we had since Aschcroft, author of the book Never Again.
In addition, for those on the list, I'm attatching a song I've sent before. I'm addressing it to the married males on the list in the interest of facilitating marital harmony at this time of the year. Follow his example. Desperate times call for congitive measures.
Here is the unexpurgated transcript. It should be an eye-opener as it is the only testimony I know of coming from someone who survived our "secret prisons" overseas.
Listen/Watch </listen_watch> Donate </contribute/donate_money>
A daily TV/radio news program, hosted by Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,
airing on over 650 stations, pioneering the largest community media
collaboration in the U.S.
Amy Goodman's Public Events <http://tour.democracynow.org/>
DAILY UPDATES </subscribe>
Boletin diario </es/suscribase>
Pacifica: Radio With Vision <http://www.pacifica.org/>
Rush Transcript
Related Links
* Surviving the Darkness: Testimony from the U.S. "Black Sites"
(Download 63-page pdf)
<http://www.chrgj.org/projects/docs/survivingthedarkness.pdf>
* More documents relating to Bashmilah's case
<http://www.chrgj.org/#testimony>
* Salon's article: Inside the CIA's notorious "black sites"
<http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/12/14/bashmilah>
*AMY GOODMAN: *Today, a /Democracy Now!/ broadcast exclusive. A victim
of the CIA rendition program-kidnapped, held in secret jails and
tortured-speaks out in his own words. His name is Mohamed Farag Ahmad
Bashmilah, one of hundreds of men to have passed through the CIA's
so-called "black sites." Today, he tells his story.
A citizen of Yemen, Mohamed came to Jordan with his wife in the fall of
2003 to arrange surgery for his ailing mother. He was living in
Indonesia at the time. Jordanian authorities took him into custody
shortly after seizing his passport. There, he says he was tortured,
threatened and forced to sign a false confession. He was turned over to
the CIA within days and flown to a secret prison he later found out was
in Kabul, Afghanistan.
In CIA custody, Mohamed says he was held in a freezing-cold cell,
interrogated, shackled, force-fed, subjected to sleep deprivation and
loud music for days. He attempted suicide at least three times. He talks
about his interrogators and the American psychiatrists or psychologists
who also played a role.
Mohamed has brought a lawsuit against a Boeing subsidiary accused of
abetting his kidnapping. The American Civil Liberties Union is suing
Jeppesen Dataplan on behalf of Mohamed and four other victims of CIA
kidnapping and torture. The lawsuit accuses Jeppesen of providing direct
logistical support for the CIA flights.
Yesterday, I spoke to Mohamed Bashmilah on the phone from his home in
Yemen, in his first broadcast interview. We're going to play that
interview in a moment, but first I want to turn to Meg Satterthwaite.
She is director of the International Human Rights Clinic at New York
University Law School. She's Mohamed Bashmilah's attorney, joining us
from Washington, D.C. Welcome to /Democracy Now!/, Meg Satterthwaite.
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Thank you very much.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Talk about the significance of what Mohamed Bashmilah
describes happened to him.
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *So, one of the reasons that Mohamed Bashmilah's
story is so important is that he is one of a very small number of
individuals to have actually come out of the so-called "high-value
detainee" program. This is a program that targeted individuals who were
suspected of being quote/unquote "high-level al-Qaeda" members or had
associations with such members. Mohamed is one of very few people who
was later released from that program, rather than being sent to
Guantanamo. And for that reason, he is able to tell about some of the
black sites that, really, we haven't heard much about from any
perspective outside of the US government perspective.
*AMY GOODMAN: *He was never charged and then ultimately released, after
being-
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *That's correct.
*AMY GOODMAN: *-held in-the last jail was in Yemen for ten months, he
says, at the behest of the Americans.
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Right. So he was never charged by the Americans in
any way. In fact, he still doesn't know to this day why the Americans
picked him up and why they requested his transfer from Jordan. He was
charged finally by the Yemeni government. When he was transferred to
Yemen, the Yemeni government has said that they were told to hold him on
behalf of the US government. They later received a file from the US
government, and essentially they felt that they didn't have any evidence
that he was a terrorist, so they interviewed him and they found that he
admitted to using a false identity document at one point when he was in
Indonesia, and they charged him with forgery. They then sentenced him to
time served, and they counted the time that he spent in secret prisons
abroad.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, why is he and the other men who you're
representing suing this Boeing subsidiary, Jeppesen?
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *So the Jeppesen suit, which was brought by the
American Civil Liberties Union, is a suit that challenges corporate
complicity in the rendition and secret detention program. And the point
here is to show and to try to stop the complicity of regular
corporations in the secret detention and forced disappearance program.
*AMY GOODMAN: *We're talking to Meg Satterthwaite, director of
International Human Rights Clinic at New York University Law School. And
what is the Boeing subsidiary's response-Jeppesen?
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Well, we actually haven't had a response from the
defendant, Jeppesen, in this case. What has happened instead is that the
US government has made a motion to intervene, and they've also at the
same time made a motion to dismiss the lawsuit or to get a summary
judgment granted in their favor on the basis of the state secrets
doctrine. So the idea is the US government needs to come in and say,
"Wait, we can't forward with this case. We can't even go forward to have
a response from the defendant, because the issues in the case are so
linked to national security that the entire case must be dismissed on
the basis of state secrets."
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, we'd like you to stay with us. We're
going to turn now to the interview that I did with Mohamed Bashmilah.
Fuad Yahya provided the translation. I spoke to Mohamed at his home in
Yemen. He began by talking about his initial capture in Jordan before he
was turned over to the CIA.
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] It was approximately
six days, but what I endured there is worth years. They took me
there, and in the evening they started their interrogations
process. They started putting some psychological pressure on me.
They wanted me to confess to having some connections to some
individuals of al-Qaeda. They tried several times to get me to
confess, and every time I said no, I would get either a kick, a
slap or a curse. Then they said that if I did not confess, they
will bring my wife and rape her in front of me. And out of fear
for what would happen to my family, I screamed and I fainted.
After I came to, I told them that, "Please, don't do anything to
my family. I would cooperate with you in any way you want."

*AMY GOODMAN: *CIA torture and rendition victim, Mohamed Farag Ahmad
Bashmilah. He was speaking to me yesterday from his home in Yemen. We'll
come back to this interview in a moment.
[break]
*AMY GOODMAN: *We return now to this broadcast exclusive, the interview
with CIA torture and rendition victim, Mohamed Farag Ahmad Bashmilah. I
spoke to him at his home in Yemen late yesterday and asked him to talk
about his transfer to CIA custody after his detention in Jordan.
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] They took me at 1:30
in the morning out of the detention facility. I was told that I
was being released. I was cautiously optimistic, because how could
someone be released at 1:30 in the morning?
They took me to the room where I deposited my belongings. And my
belongings consisted of my passport, $200, an ID card and my
wedding ring. I signed receipt of these items, but they were not
given to me. They were put inside an envelope. In addition, they
put also the paper that I had signed, the confession, which was
essentially a false confession.
While we were walking out, I asked one of the guards where I was
being taken and where is my family? At that time, my heart was in
distress. I felt there was something wrong, there was some kind of
a conspiracy regarding my fate.
At that time, the guard lifted the blindfold partially so that I
would speak to the interrogator, and I saw another man who had a
Western look. He was white and somewhat overweight and had dark
glasses on. I realized then that they were probably handing me
over to some other agency, because during the interrogations I had
with the Jordanians, one of the threats was that if I did not
confess, they will hand me over to American intelligence. At that
time, I did not take that threat seriously, because they had
threatened me before that they would rape my wife, so I thought
this was just psychological pressure. But at this moment, I
realized I was being handed over to some other parties.
When we left the building and we got into the vehicle and the
vehicle started to move, so I realized if the vehicle turned left
and then turned right, that would mean that I was being taken to
the airport, and that could mean that I would be handed over to
some other parties. On the other hand, if the vehicle turned left
and then turned left again, then that would mean that we were
going to the city center, and that could mean that I was being
released. I could not see or hear, but I could feel the movement,
and the vehicle went into the direction toward the airport. I
became increasingly afraid, increasingly worried, because I was
being handed over to some other parties, and I didn't understand why.
When we arrived at the airport, they took me to a hall. And
without any precautions or anything, I felt that I was being
pulled violently by some other people. They took me to another
room. They started tearing down my clothes, from above all the way
down. And I was being stripped completely naked. They started
taking pictures from all directions. And they also started to beat
me on my sides and also my feet. And then they put me in a
position similar to the position of prostration in Muslim prayer,
which is similar to the fetal position. And in that position, one
of them inserted his finger in my anus very violently. I was in
terrible pain, and I started to scream. When they started taking
pictures, I could see that they were people who were masked. They
were dressed in black from head to toe, and they were also wearing
surgical gloves.
And then, they started in the process of preparing me for travel,
and that consisted of putting a diaper on me. And then they put
pants, which went down to below the knee, and a top with the
sleeve to the middle of the forearm. And then, they also put some
gauze on my eyes. And then they put what looked like headphones on
my ears-sorry, these were not headphones; they were like little
plugs inside the ears, plastic. And then they put gauze on that,
on the ears. And then they taped that with very strong adhesive
tape. And then they put a hood over my head. And then, on top of
that, they put a headphone. This is as far as the top of my body
was. And then they handcuffed me with a chain, and also they
chained my ankles. Then they put a belt above the pants, and then
they tied the hands and the ankles to that belt. This was after
being slapped and kicked until I almost fainted.
And then they took me into an aircraft, and they had me lie down
on the floor of the airplane. Then they strapped my legs at my
chest so that I wouldn't move right or left. The aircraft flew for
about two-and-a-half to three hours. And I was in such a terrible
psychological state, only God could determine. There was a lot of
physical pain because of what I had endured, and also all the
thoughts regarding what might happen to my wife and my mother.
This is knowing that my mother was seriously ill, and my wife
could not speak Arabic very well so she could be of much help to
my mother. And so, throughout this flight, I was in some kind of a
coma, and I would come to and I would faint and come to. And so,
during those times when I was thinking of my wife and mother, I
would be distracted from the pain, and then the pain would
distract me from the thoughts to my wife and mother.
About three hours later, we landed somewhere. And then some
[inaudible], and they handled me very roughly. They took me to a
detention center. I was in a very poor psychological state. Then
they took me to a room where they took my weight, and they
examined my eyes and my ears. Then they put me in a solitary cell.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Were you beaten in this place?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] In this place, I was
not beaten. They did not seem to have anything that indicated that
I should be treated that way. In addition to that, they could see
that I was in a terrible psychological state. It did not make any
sense to pressure me in interrogations.
I was terribly agitated, and I was crying inconsolably, thinking
of my mother and my wife. Also, I was thinking what they were
thinking-why would they take me from one detention center to
another? And I remained in this cell for three months, during
which I had no relief at all, despite the fact that they brought a
number of psychiatrists, in addition to the general practice
physician there.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, who were you being held by here?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Based on what the
Jordanians had told me, that they would hand me to American
intelligence, in addition to the interrogators in this place who
came to see me with interpreters, I realized quite certainly that
I was being held by American intelligence.
*AMY GOODMAN: *What clues did you have? Why did you think American?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Some of the
interrogators would come to me and interrogate me in the
interrogation room, and they would tell me, "You should calm down
and be comforted, because we'll send all this information to
Washington." And they would say that in Washington, they will
determine whether my answers are truthful or not.

*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed Farag Ahmad Bashmilah, speaking to us from Yemen,
CIA torture and rendition victim. We'll come back to this conversation
with him in a minute.
[break]
*AMY GOODMAN: *We return to the last part of my interview with Mohamed
Farag Ahmad Bashmilah, the CIA torture and rendition victim. In the
previous excerpt, he described his ordeal while he was sent to the
secret CIA prison in Afghanistan. I asked him to talk about the
conditions at that prison.
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] In the beginning, it
was totally dark. It was as if you were inside a tomb. Then, after
that, they would turn a light on. Above the door, there was a
camera. And there was constant loud music.
*AMY GOODMAN: *What kind of music?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] It was loud Western
music, and it was very noisy.
*AMY GOODMAN: *In English?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] After a while, they
switched to Arabic music.
*AMY GOODMAN: *How loud was it?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] It was loud enough
so that you could not hear what happens in the other cells when
the doors opened and closed.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Did you hear other prisoners?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Yes, I heard other
people very clearly, because sometimes there would be power
outage, and during that time the music would stop and you could
hear the other people.
*AMY GOODMAN: *What did you hear?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Sometimes I would
hear a call for prayer, and sometimes I hear them conversing about
this new person who has just arrived, and that's me, because I
didn't talk. So I would hear them once in a while.
*AMY GOODMAN: *What language were your guards and the
interrogators speaking?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] The guards would not
speak a single word, but the interrogators spoke in English, and
they had interpreters with them.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Did you try to hurt yourself in this cell?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] During these three
months in this cell, I tried hurting myself three times, because I
could not take it in that place, because I had not done nothing
wrong.
The first time, I tried to pull some thread from the blanket,
trying to fashion a rope to hang myself. I tied it to the window
that was opposite to the door, where the sound of music would
come. I think they saw me through the camera, so the guards came
and stopped me.
After a while, I collected some of the medicine that they were
giving to me every day. I kept a number of these pills, about
twenty, and then I dissolved them in a cup of water. But it just
happened that at that time, the guards came, and it was just the
wrong time.
And the third time was, I tried to slash my veins with a piece of
metal that I had. But this piece of metal was not sharp enough, so
I injured myself, but the wound was not deep enough.
Because of the recurrence of these incidents, then they started
having the psychiatrists see me. And what these psychiatrists did
was just give me the opportunity to speak and express myself. And
the therapy mainly consisted of trying to look at my thoughts and
try to interpret them for me, and in addition to some
tranquilizers whenever they thought I needed some.
There was one time also when I started beating my head against
wall. And then what happened was, they brought me a helmet,
similar to what people wear when they play golf. So all of my
attempts were unsuccessful.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, why did you try to commit suicide three times?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] The main thing was
that I had not done anything that would call for being transferred
from one prison to another and to endure such suffering. In
addition to that, knowing that my mother was seriously ill, and
she and my wife were in a foreign country-imagine any mother
having her son snatched away from her and taken away, even for
just one week. Imagine what this person would suffer and how the
mother would suffer also. This made me want to have nothing to do
with life anymore.
*AMY GOODMAN: *How long were you held in Yemen?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Ten months.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Were you tortured there?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I was not tortured.
I was questioned about the places where I had been detained,
which, of course, I didn't know. There was no need to torture me
or even ask me about anything else in terms of violations of the
law or anything. My detention in Yemen, as far as I could
determine from what was written in the press, was at the behest of
the Americans.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Can you describe finally being released to your family?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] My joy was
indescribable. I could not believe that I was going to be
released. As much as I was happy to be released and to be reunited
with my wife and mother, I was also worried about what my wife and
mother had endured during my absence. I did not tell them what I
had suffered in Jordan or elsewhere.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Do you have a message for the American people?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I believe that the
American people are helpless during the administration of George
Bush. When I was in detention, I would speak to the interrogators,
and I told them that the policies of George Bush was wrong,
especially sending American people to areas where they don't
belong. And I told them that it seems that the policy consisted of
addressing wrongs with wrongs. I didn't know that one day when I
would be released, I would find out that there are American
victims of this policy, as well.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, did they ever charged you with anything?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I was not charged
with anything. This is what I have found. I was handed to Yemen,
and they asked them to detain me.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Did you have any communication with your family?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] And there were no
charges against me.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Did you have any communication with your family
from Jordan to the time you were released?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I could not contact
my family or any human rights organization or the Red Cross or any
agency, other than my interrogators, the doctors and the
psychiatrists.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Did the Red Cross ever visit you?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] They never did. I
wished they did.
*AMY GOODMAN: *So you did not speak to your family, even when you
were ten months in Yemen in jail?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] After a month and a
half of being in Yemen, I was able to communicate with my family.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Why did the Yemen authorities hold you?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] They said this was
at the behest of the US authorities.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Do you have any message for other prisoners who are
held at places like Guantanamo or the same prisons you were held
in, who remain there?
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I want to tell all
prisoners in all places that one day truth and justice will
prevail. They want to be released, but their jailers want to keep
them, and God has a plan for them.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, I want to thank you for taking this time
to tell us your story.
*MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] You're welcome. It
is my duty to sit here and express what has happened to me and
also to hope that no one else will endure the same.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed Bashmilah, he was a victim of CIA rendition,
imprisoned at black sites run by the CIA. I spoke to him at his home in
Yemen, telling his story for the first time in a broadcast interview. He
was translated by Fuad Yahya.
Mohamed Bashmilah's lawyer, Meg Satterthwaite, is still with us from
Washington, D.C. You have brought a suit on his behalf. You are not,
though, suing the US government. You are suing Jeppesen for being part
of extraordinary rendition, is that right, Meg?
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *That's right. First, I'd just like to clarify that
the suit was actually brought by the American Civil Liberties Union, and
I'm co-counsel in the case, representing Mohamed Bashmilah. The case is
against Jeppesen Dataplan for its complicity and essentially for
enabling some of the flights that were used to take individuals into the
rendition and secret detention program. This is a program that could not
exist without corporate complicity. Jeppesen is a crucial example here.
The CIA used purportedly civilian planes to avoid certain procedures
that they normally would need to use if they used, for example, military
planes or official government planes. So the corporate complicity is
actually a crucial part of the CIA program.
*AMY GOODMAN: *And why not the US government, as well, a suit against
the government?
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *There has been, of course, several suits against
the government for the rendition and secret detention program. The most
recent one that viewers and listeners may be familiar with is the case
of Khaled el-Masri, also a suit brought by the ACLU. In that suit, the
suit was dismissed on the basis of the state secrets doctrine,
essentially for the reason that-the CIA and the US government was able
to forward the argument that the case was so sensitive it should be
dismissed, because it had to do with state secrets.
The point in this case is to say the government has already acknowledged
the program's existence, the President and other high officials have
given lots of details about the program when it suited them, so it can't
be that the very basis and fact of the program is still a state secret.
It cannot be that that is enough to get rid of a lawsuit about basic
human rights and the violation of those basic human rights.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, were the interrogations of Mohamed
videotaped?
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *We don't know. What we do know is that there were
video cameras in his cells and also in interrogation rooms. I would like
to know, of course, if my client was videotaped. We have filed a Freedom
of Information Act request seeking all records, which would include
videotapes, if they existed, or transcripts. And all we've gotten from
the CIA is the claim that they can neither confirm nor deny having any
records of my client.
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, I want to thank you for being with us,
director of the International Human Rights Clinic at New York University
Law School.
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Thank you very much.
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Tis the Season -- Man of the Year

 
 
 
Illustration:  Time Magazine just named its man of the year.  He is cited as improving his countries stature abroad, improving its economy, his contribution to civil rights, and its security.  Now, guess which one it is. 
 
(This also works well as our illustrator just might do some more illustrations for us, eventually, if we run this photo enough times. -- ed.)
 
______________________________
 
 
 
    This issue attempts to express "Goodwill towards Men" (naturally, in the gender-neutral sense of the word) by reprinting in it's entirety a transcript for the Radio and Television show called Democracy Now.  It is aired on over 500 radio stations world-wide and can be seen on Free Speech TV and Link TV on either satellite provider.  This was aired yesterday.  Today, there was another full-hour discussing another Blackwater case and still another private contractor, all of which is done in our name, and, of course, after careful consultation with God who reportedly said "Yeah, good idea -- go get 'em George".  The transcript of today's show can be found at their website.
 
    I just want to take the opportunity to point out that, despite all the criticism and his resignation, Gonzales was the best Attorney General we had since Aschcroft, author of the book Never Again
 
    Here is the unexpurgated transcript.  It should be an eye-opener as it is the only testimony I know of coming from someone who survived our "secret prisons" overseas.
 
 
 
Listen/Watch </listen_watch>   Donate </contribute/donate_money>
A daily TV/radio news program, hosted by Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez,
airing on over 650 stations, pioneering the largest community media
collaboration in the U.S.
 
 
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DAILY UPDATES </subscribe>
 
Boletin diario </es/suscribase>
 
 
 
Pacifica: Radio With Vision <http://www.pacifica.org/>
 
      Rush Transcript
 
      Related Links
 
    * Surviving the Darkness: Testimony from the U.S. "Black Sites"
      (Download 63-page pdf)
      <http://www.chrgj.org/projects/docs/survivingthedarkness.pdf>
    * More documents relating to Bashmilah's case
      <http://www.chrgj.org/#testimony>
    * Salon's article: Inside the CIA's notorious "black sites"
      <http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/12/14/bashmilah>
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *Today, a /Democracy Now!/ broadcast exclusive. A victim
of the CIA rendition program-kidnapped, held in secret jails and
tortured-speaks out in his own words. His name is Mohamed Farag Ahmad
Bashmilah, one of hundreds of men to have passed through the CIA's
so-called "black sites." Today, he tells his story.
 
A citizen of Yemen, Mohamed came to Jordan with his wife in the fall of
2003 to arrange surgery for his ailing mother. He was living in
Indonesia at the time. Jordanian authorities took him into custody
shortly after seizing his passport. There, he says he was tortured,
threatened and forced to sign a false confession. He was turned over to
the CIA within days and flown to a secret prison he later found out was
in Kabul, Afghanistan.
 
In CIA custody, Mohamed says he was held in a freezing-cold cell,
interrogated, shackled, force-fed, subjected to sleep deprivation and
loud music for days. He attempted suicide at least three times. He talks
about his interrogators and the American psychiatrists or psychologists
who also played a role.
 
Mohamed has brought a lawsuit against a Boeing subsidiary accused of
abetting his kidnapping. The American Civil Liberties Union is suing
Jeppesen Dataplan on behalf of Mohamed and four other victims of CIA
kidnapping and torture. The lawsuit accuses Jeppesen of providing direct
logistical support for the CIA flights.
 
Yesterday, I spoke to Mohamed Bashmilah on the phone from his home in
Yemen, in his first broadcast interview. We're going to play that
interview in a moment, but first I want to turn to Meg Satterthwaite.
She is director of the International Human Rights Clinic at New York
University Law School. She's Mohamed Bashmilah's attorney, joining us
from Washington, D.C. Welcome to /Democracy Now!/, Meg Satterthwaite.
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Thank you very much.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *Talk about the significance of what Mohamed Bashmilah
describes happened to him.
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *So, one of the reasons that Mohamed Bashmilah's
story is so important is that he is one of a very small number of
individuals to have actually come out of the so-called "high-value
detainee" program. This is a program that targeted individuals who were
suspected of being quote/unquote "high-level al-Qaeda" members or had
associations with such members. Mohamed is one of very few people who
was later released from that program, rather than being sent to
Guantanamo. And for that reason, he is able to tell about some of the
black sites that, really, we haven't heard much about from any
perspective outside of the US government perspective.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *He was never charged and then ultimately released, after
being-
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *That's correct.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *-held in-the last jail was in Yemen for ten months, he
says, at the behest of the Americans.
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Right. So he was never charged by the Americans in
any way. In fact, he still doesn't know to this day why the Americans
picked him up and why they requested his transfer from Jordan. He was
charged finally by the Yemeni government. When he was transferred to
Yemen, the Yemeni government has said that they were told to hold him on
behalf of the US government. They later received a file from the US
government, and essentially they felt that they didn't have any evidence
that he was a terrorist, so they interviewed him and they found that he
admitted to using a false identity document at one point when he was in
Indonesia, and they charged him with forgery. They then sentenced him to
time served, and they counted the time that he spent in secret prisons
abroad.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, why is he and the other men who you're
representing suing this Boeing subsidiary, Jeppesen?
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *So the Jeppesen suit, which was brought by the
American Civil Liberties Union, is a suit that challenges corporate
complicity in the rendition and secret detention program. And the point
here is to show and to try to stop the complicity of regular
corporations in the secret detention and forced disappearance program.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *We're talking to Meg Satterthwaite, director of
International Human Rights Clinic at New York University Law School. And
what is the Boeing subsidiary's response-Jeppesen?
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Well, we actually haven't had a response from the
defendant, Jeppesen, in this case. What has happened instead is that the
US government has made a motion to intervene, and they've also at the
same time made a motion to dismiss the lawsuit or to get a summary
judgment granted in their favor on the basis of the state secrets
doctrine. So the idea is the US government needs to come in and say,
"Wait, we can't forward with this case. We can't even go forward to have
a response from the defendant, because the issues in the case are so
linked to national security that the entire case must be dismissed on
the basis of state secrets."
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, we'd like you to stay with us. We're
going to turn now to the interview that I did with Mohamed Bashmilah.
Fuad Yahya provided the translation. I spoke to Mohamed at his home in
Yemen. He began by talking about his initial capture in Jordan before he
was turned over to the CIA.
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] It was approximately
      six days, but what I endured there is worth years. They took me
      there, and in the evening they started their interrogations
      process. They started putting some psychological pressure on me.
      They wanted me to confess to having some connections to some
      individuals of al-Qaeda. They tried several times to get me to
      confess, and every time I said no, I would get either a kick, a
      slap or a curse. Then they said that if I did not confess, they
      will bring my wife and rape her in front of me. And out of fear
      for what would happen to my family, I screamed and I fainted.
      After I came to, I told them that, "Please, don't do anything to
      my family. I would cooperate with you in any way you want."
 

*AMY GOODMAN: *CIA torture and rendition victim, Mohamed Farag Ahmad
Bashmilah. He was speaking to me yesterday from his home in Yemen. We'll
come back to this interview in a moment.
 
[break]
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *We return now to this broadcast exclusive, the interview
with CIA torture and rendition victim, Mohamed Farag Ahmad Bashmilah. I
spoke to him at his home in Yemen late yesterday and asked him to talk
about his transfer to CIA custody after his detention in Jordan.
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] They took me at 1:30
      in the morning out of the detention facility. I was told that I
      was being released. I was cautiously optimistic, because how could
      someone be released at 1:30 in the morning?
 
      They took me to the room where I deposited my belongings. And my
      belongings consisted of my passport, $200, an ID card and my
      wedding ring. I signed receipt of these items, but they were not
      given to me. They were put inside an envelope. In addition, they
      put also the paper that I had signed, the confession, which was
      essentially a false confession.
 
      While we were walking out, I asked one of the guards where I was
      being taken and where is my family? At that time, my heart was in
      distress. I felt there was something wrong, there was some kind of
      a conspiracy regarding my fate.
 
      At that time, the guard lifted the blindfold partially so that I
      would speak to the interrogator, and I saw another man who had a
      Western look. He was white and somewhat overweight and had dark
      glasses on. I realized then that they were probably handing me
      over to some other agency, because during the interrogations I had
      with the Jordanians, one of the threats was that if I did not
      confess, they will hand me over to American intelligence. At that
      time, I did not take that threat seriously, because they had
      threatened me before that they would rape my wife, so I thought
      this was just psychological pressure. But at this moment, I
      realized I was being handed over to some other parties.
 
      When we left the building and we got into the vehicle and the
      vehicle started to move, so I realized if the vehicle turned left
      and then turned right, that would mean that I was being taken to
      the airport, and that could mean that I would be handed over to
      some other parties. On the other hand, if the vehicle turned left
      and then turned left again, then that would mean that we were
      going to the city center, and that could mean that I was being
      released. I could not see or hear, but I could feel the movement,
      and the vehicle went into the direction toward the airport. I
      became increasingly afraid, increasingly worried, because I was
      being handed over to some other parties, and I didn't understand why.
 
      When we arrived at the airport, they took me to a hall. And
      without any precautions or anything, I felt that I was being
      pulled violently by some other people. They took me to another
      room. They started tearing down my clothes, from above all the way
      down. And I was being stripped completely naked. They started
      taking pictures from all directions. And they also started to beat
      me on my sides and also my feet. And then they put me in a
      position similar to the position of prostration in Muslim prayer,
      which is similar to the fetal position. And in that position, one
      of them inserted his finger in my anus very violently. I was in
      terrible pain, and I started to scream. When they started taking
      pictures, I could see that they were people who were masked. They
      were dressed in black from head to toe, and they were also wearing
      surgical gloves.
 
      And then, they started in the process of preparing me for travel,
      and that consisted of putting a diaper on me. And then they put
      pants, which went down to below the knee, and a top with the
      sleeve to the middle of the forearm. And then, they also put some
      gauze on my eyes. And then they put what looked like headphones on
      my ears-sorry, these were not headphones; they were like little
      plugs inside the ears, plastic. And then they put gauze on that,
      on the ears. And then they taped that with very strong adhesive
      tape. And then they put a hood over my head. And then, on top of
      that, they put a headphone. This is as far as the top of my body
      was. And then they handcuffed me with a chain, and also they
      chained my ankles. Then they put a belt above the pants, and then
      they tied the hands and the ankles to that belt. This was after
      being slapped and kicked until I almost fainted.
 
      And then they took me into an aircraft, and they had me lie down
      on the floor of the airplane. Then they strapped my legs at my
      chest so that I wouldn't move right or left. The aircraft flew for
      about two-and-a-half to three hours. And I was in such a terrible
      psychological state, only God could determine. There was a lot of
      physical pain because of what I had endured, and also all the
      thoughts regarding what might happen to my wife and my mother.
      This is knowing that my mother was seriously ill, and my wife
      could not speak Arabic very well so she could be of much help to
      my mother. And so, throughout this flight, I was in some kind of a
      coma, and I would come to and I would faint and come to. And so,
      during those times when I was thinking of my wife and mother, I
      would be distracted from the pain, and then the pain would
      distract me from the thoughts to my wife and mother.
 
      About three hours later, we landed somewhere. And then some
      [inaudible], and they handled me very roughly. They took me to a
      detention center. I was in a very poor psychological state. Then
      they took me to a room where they took my weight, and they
      examined my eyes and my ears. Then they put me in a solitary cell.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Were you beaten in this place?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] In this place, I was
      not beaten. They did not seem to have anything that indicated that
      I should be treated that way. In addition to that, they could see
      that I was in a terrible psychological state. It did not make any
      sense to pressure me in interrogations.
 
      I was terribly agitated, and I was crying inconsolably, thinking
      of my mother and my wife. Also, I was thinking what they were
      thinking-why would they take me from one detention center to
      another? And I remained in this cell for three months, during
      which I had no relief at all, despite the fact that they brought a
      number of psychiatrists, in addition to the general practice
      physician there.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, who were you being held by here?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Based on what the
      Jordanians had told me, that they would hand me to American
      intelligence, in addition to the interrogators in this place who
      came to see me with interpreters, I realized quite certainly that
      I was being held by American intelligence.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *What clues did you have? Why did you think American?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Some of the
      interrogators would come to me and interrogate me in the
      interrogation room, and they would tell me, "You should calm down
      and be comforted, because we'll send all this information to
      Washington." And they would say that in Washington, they will
      determine whether my answers are truthful or not.
 

*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed Farag Ahmad Bashmilah, speaking to us from Yemen,
CIA torture and rendition victim. We'll come back to this conversation
with him in a minute.
 
[break]
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *We return to the last part of my interview with Mohamed
Farag Ahmad Bashmilah, the CIA torture and rendition victim. In the
previous excerpt, he described his ordeal while he was sent to the
secret CIA prison in Afghanistan. I asked him to talk about the
conditions at that prison.
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] In the beginning, it
      was totally dark. It was as if you were inside a tomb. Then, after
      that, they would turn a light on. Above the door, there was a
      camera. And there was constant loud music.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *What kind of music?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] It was loud Western
      music, and it was very noisy.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *In English?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] After a while, they
      switched to Arabic music.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *How loud was it?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] It was loud enough
      so that you could not hear what happens in the other cells when
      the doors opened and closed.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Did you hear other prisoners?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Yes, I heard other
      people very clearly, because sometimes there would be power
      outage, and during that time the music would stop and you could
      hear the other people.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *What did you hear?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Sometimes I would
      hear a call for prayer, and sometimes I hear them conversing about
      this new person who has just arrived, and that's me, because I
      didn't talk. So I would hear them once in a while.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *What language were your guards and the
      interrogators speaking?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] The guards would not
      speak a single word, but the interrogators spoke in English, and
      they had interpreters with them.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Did you try to hurt yourself in this cell?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] During these three
      months in this cell, I tried hurting myself three times, because I
      could not take it in that place, because I had not done nothing
      wrong.
 
      The first time, I tried to pull some thread from the blanket,
      trying to fashion a rope to hang myself. I tied it to the window
      that was opposite to the door, where the sound of music would
      come. I think they saw me through the camera, so the guards came
      and stopped me.
 
      After a while, I collected some of the medicine that they were
      giving to me every day. I kept a number of these pills, about
      twenty, and then I dissolved them in a cup of water. But it just
      happened that at that time, the guards came, and it was just the
      wrong time.
 
      And the third time was, I tried to slash my veins with a piece of
      metal that I had. But this piece of metal was not sharp enough, so
      I injured myself, but the wound was not deep enough.
 
      Because of the recurrence of these incidents, then they started
      having the psychiatrists see me. And what these psychiatrists did
      was just give me the opportunity to speak and express myself. And
      the therapy mainly consisted of trying to look at my thoughts and
      try to interpret them for me, and in addition to some
      tranquilizers whenever they thought I needed some.
 
      There was one time also when I started beating my head against
      wall. And then what happened was, they brought me a helmet,
      similar to what people wear when they play golf. So all of my
      attempts were unsuccessful.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, why did you try to commit suicide three times?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] The main thing was
      that I had not done anything that would call for being transferred
      from one prison to another and to endure such suffering. In
      addition to that, knowing that my mother was seriously ill, and
      she and my wife were in a foreign country-imagine any mother
      having her son snatched away from her and taken away, even for
      just one week. Imagine what this person would suffer and how the
      mother would suffer also. This made me want to have nothing to do
      with life anymore.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *How long were you held in Yemen?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] Ten months.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Were you tortured there?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I was not tortured.
      I was questioned about the places where I had been detained,
      which, of course, I didn't know. There was no need to torture me
      or even ask me about anything else in terms of violations of the
      law or anything. My detention in Yemen, as far as I could
      determine from what was written in the press, was at the behest of
      the Americans.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Can you describe finally being released to your family?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] My joy was
      indescribable. I could not believe that I was going to be
      released. As much as I was happy to be released and to be reunited
      with my wife and mother, I was also worried about what my wife and
      mother had endured during my absence. I did not tell them what I
      had suffered in Jordan or elsewhere.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Do you have a message for the American people?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I believe that the
      American people are helpless during the administration of George
      Bush. When I was in detention, I would speak to the interrogators,
      and I told them that the policies of George Bush was wrong,
      especially sending American people to areas where they don't
      belong. And I told them that it seems that the policy consisted of
      addressing wrongs with wrongs. I didn't know that one day when I
      would be released, I would find out that there are American
      victims of this policy, as well.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, did they ever charged you with anything?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I was not charged
      with anything. This is what I have found. I was handed to Yemen,
      and they asked them to detain me.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Did you have any communication with your family?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] And there were no
      charges against me.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Did you have any communication with your family
      from Jordan to the time you were released?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I could not contact
      my family or any human rights organization or the Red Cross or any
      agency, other than my interrogators, the doctors and the
      psychiatrists.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Did the Red Cross ever visit you?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] They never did. I
      wished they did.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *So you did not speak to your family, even when you
      were ten months in Yemen in jail?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] After a month and a
      half of being in Yemen, I was able to communicate with my family.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Why did the Yemen authorities hold you?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] They said this was
      at the behest of the US authorities.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Do you have any message for other prisoners who are
      held at places like Guantanamo or the same prisons you were held
      in, who remain there?
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] I want to tell all
      prisoners in all places that one day truth and justice will
      prevail. They want to be released, but their jailers want to keep
      them, and God has a plan for them.
 
      *AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed, I want to thank you for taking this time
      to tell us your story.
 
      *MOHAMED FARAG AHMAD BASHMILAH: *[translated] You're welcome. It
      is my duty to sit here and express what has happened to me and
      also to hope that no one else will endure the same.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *Mohamed Bashmilah, he was a victim of CIA rendition,
imprisoned at black sites run by the CIA. I spoke to him at his home in
Yemen, telling his story for the first time in a broadcast interview. He
was translated by Fuad Yahya.
 
Mohamed Bashmilah's lawyer, Meg Satterthwaite, is still with us from
Washington, D.C. You have brought a suit on his behalf. You are not,
though, suing the US government. You are suing Jeppesen for being part
of extraordinary rendition, is that right, Meg?
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *That's right. First, I'd just like to clarify that
the suit was actually brought by the American Civil Liberties Union, and
I'm co-counsel in the case, representing Mohamed Bashmilah. The case is
against Jeppesen Dataplan for its complicity and essentially for
enabling some of the flights that were used to take individuals into the
rendition and secret detention program. This is a program that could not
exist without corporate complicity. Jeppesen is a crucial example here.
The CIA used purportedly civilian planes to avoid certain procedures
that they normally would need to use if they used, for example, military
planes or official government planes. So the corporate complicity is
actually a crucial part of the CIA program.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *And why not the US government, as well, a suit against
the government?
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *There has been, of course, several suits against
the government for the rendition and secret detention program. The most
recent one that viewers and listeners may be familiar with is the case
of Khaled el-Masri, also a suit brought by the ACLU. In that suit, the
suit was dismissed on the basis of the state secrets doctrine,
essentially for the reason that-the CIA and the US government was able
to forward the argument that the case was so sensitive it should be
dismissed, because it had to do with state secrets.
 
The point in this case is to say the government has already acknowledged
the program's existence, the President and other high officials have
given lots of details about the program when it suited them, so it can't
be that the very basis and fact of the program is still a state secret.
It cannot be that that is enough to get rid of a lawsuit about basic
human rights and the violation of those basic human rights.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, were the interrogations of Mohamed
videotaped?
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *We don't know. What we do know is that there were
video cameras in his cells and also in interrogation rooms. I would like
to know, of course, if my client was videotaped. We have filed a Freedom
of Information Act request seeking all records, which would include
videotapes, if they existed, or transcripts. And all we've gotten from
the CIA is the claim that they can neither confirm nor deny having any
records of my client.
 
*AMY GOODMAN: *Meg Satterthwaite, I want to thank you for being with us,
director of the International Human Rights Clinic at New York University
Law School.
 
*MEG SATTERTHWAITE: *Thank you very much.
 
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