Saturday, June 15, 2019



Such a sweet ruling family

A few other thoughts first

Tsar Donic

Perhaps it would be better to call these Neanderthal Republicans (an electoral college majority still) as "Pro-Birth," rather than pro-life as they use the term.   It does seem clear that once the child is born, they have no further concern for it as it then becomes a tax issue.   Yet, so many of those opposed to higher taxes have no problem with the fact that so many of the "elite" pay no taxes while everyone else does.

One problem Biden has as a candidate is that the contemporary "base" of the party do not realize that many of his earlier votes come from a time when people still smoked in airplanes and so on.  He does need to say that he has learned from his past mistakes and learned more since then.  Perhaps then his votes for the Hyde amendment and for the "war" against Iraq (really a regime change idea) would be easier to shake off today.  For similar reasons, Voters today are not brainwashed against "Socialism" as they were back then.  It is a main reason that Bernie Sanders remains so popular today.  In addition, many of his positions have not had to change – the country changed to his point of view.

Global warming: note that the issue of that or climate change is not allowed and mention on our media, yet weather reports are allowed to be accurate and show the disease of climate change.  The underlying cause has to be inferred and etiology is not a strong point of Americans, especially those dedicated to Trump. 

We talk of education.  It is an obscure fact that one high school teacher was using Huxley's BRAVE NEW WORLD as required reading in an honors class is typical.  Parents were outraged.  After a few questions the reason became clear.  It had nothing to do with Henry Ford (who built tanks in Nazi Germany).  One popular chant in the fictional novel kept saying "Ford has a better idea" or something like that.  No, one could only hope that was the issue.  It has nothing to do with assembly line treatment of people, although that is what the school system had become modeled after.  None of that was of interest or even understood by the PTA.  The idea was "contraceptive belts".  Why, after all, their own daughters were all virgins were they not?  That is what they understood.  He was forced to discontinue using the book.  The next semester, he used a translation of Buddenbrooks by Thomas Mann.  No problem there.  That is an illustration of why our  educational system is still about 2 to 3 years behind those is Europe. 

Fake news?  For people so interested in the ideas of our founding founders, perhaps it would be wise to remember Thomas Jefferson who said "If I had to choose between one of the three branches of government and the Free press, I would easily choose the Free Press."

Not many people remember that, or have even been taught that, the Attorney General is a part of the Judicial Branch.

All  of the compliants against the Trump children running the country like the Rothchilds are nothing compared to the attacks John F. Kennedy got for placing his brother as Attorney General  Now I wonder why that is?

And now, I'm tired.  I may send links or so from time to time, but this is just too difficult. 

And now to Larry Tribe, law professor at Harvard and Obama's mentor in Constitutional law:

Impeach Trump. But don't necessarily try him in the Senate.

June 5
Laurence H. Tribe is the University Professor of Constitutional Law at Harvard and the coauthor, most recently, of "To End a Presidency: The Power of Impeachment."
It is possible to argue that impeaching President Trump and removing him from office before the 2020 election would be unwise, even if he did cheat his way into office, and even if he is abusing the powers of that office to enrich himself, cover up his crimes and leave our national security vulnerable to repeated foreign attacks. Those who make this argument rest their case either on the proposition that impeachment would be dangerously divisive in a nation as politically broken as ours, or on the notion that it would be undemocratic to get rid of a president whose flaws were obvious before he was elected.
Rightly or wrongly — I think rightly — much of the House Democratic caucus, at least one Republican member of that chamber (Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan) and more than a thirdof the nation's voters disagree. They treat the impeachment power as a vital constitutional safeguard against a potentially dangerous and fundamentally tyrannical president and view it as a power that would be all but ripped out of the Constitution if it were deemed unavailable against even this president.
That is my view, as well.
Still, there exists concern that impeachment accomplishes nothing concrete, especially if the Senate is poised to quickly kill whatever articles of impeachment the House presents. This apprehension is built on an assumption that impeachment by the House and trial in the Senate are analogous to indictment by a grand jury and trial by a petit jury: Just as a prosecutor might hesitate to ask a grand jury to indict even an obviously guilty defendant if it appeared that no jury is likely to convict, so, it is said, the House of Representatives might properly decline to impeach even an obviously guilty president — and would be wise to do so — if it appeared the Senate was dead-set against convicting him.
But to think of the House of Representatives as akin to a prosecutor or grand jury is misguided. The Constitution's design suggests a quite different allocation of functions: The Senate, unlike any petit (or trial) jury, is legally free to engage in politics in arriving at its verdict. And the House, unlike any grand jury, can conduct an impeachment inquiry that ends with a verdict and not just a referral to the Senate for trial — an inquiry in which the target is afforded an opportunity to participate and mount a full defense.
House Democrats call for impeachment proceedings against Trump
After the White House blocked numerous congressional subpoena requests, lawmakers have begun calling for impeachment proceedings against President Trump. 
Take, for instance, the 1974 investigation of President Richard M. Nixon when the House gave the president the opportunity to refute the charges against him either personally or through counsel and with additional fact witnesses. (Nixon chose to appear only through his attorney, James D. St. Clair.) Following its impeachment proceedings, the House Judiciary Committee drafted particularized findings less in the nature of accusations to be assessed by the Senate — which of course never weighed in, given Nixon's resignation — than in the nature of determinations of fact and law and verdicts of guilt to be delivered by the House itself, expressly stating that the president was indeed guilty as charged.
It seems fair to surmise, then, that an impeachment inquiry conducted with ample opportunity for the accused to defend himself before a vote by the full House would be at least substantially protected, even if not entirely bullet-proofed, against a Senate whitewash.
The House, assuming an impeachment inquiry leads to a conclusion of Trump's guilt, could choose between presenting articles of impeachment even to a Senate pre-committed to burying them and dispensing with impeachment as such while embodying its conclusions of criminality or other grave wrongdoing in a condemnatory "Sense of the House" resolution far stronger than a mere censure. The resolution, expressly and formally proclaiming the president impeachable but declining to play the Senate's corrupt game, is one that even a president accustomed to treating everything as a victory would be hard-pressed to characterize as a vindication. (A House resolution finding the president "impeachable" but imposing no actual legal penalty would avoid the Constitution's ban on Bills of Attainder, despite its deliberately stigmatizing character as a "Scarlet 'I' " that Trump would have to take with him into his reelection campaign.)
The point would not be to take old-school House impeachment leading to possible Senate removal off the table at the outset. Instead, the idea would be to build into the very design of this particular inquiry an offramp that would make bypassing the Senate an option while also nourishing the hope that a public fully educated about what this president did would make even a Senate beholden to this president and manifestly lacking in political courage willing to bite the bullet and remove him.
By resolving now to pursue such a path, always keeping open the possibility that its inquiry would unexpectedly lead to the president's exoneration, the House would be doing the right thing as a constitutional matter. It would be acting consistent with its overriding obligation to establish that no president is above the law, all the while keeping an eye on the balance of political considerations without setting the dangerous precedent that there are no limits to what a corrupt president can get away with as long as he has a compliant Senate to back him. And pursuing this course would preserve for all time the tale of this uniquely troubled presidency.

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