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WHAT WENT WRONG IN EGYPT
Illustration: The Court in Egypt -- A day in court?
Egypt has
gone downhill since the revolution, the #Jan25 of Twitterdom. How could this happen?
Well, the
first thing was that the leader of the Moslem Brotherhood resigned because the
organization was excluded from elections as a political party. Right after that, they were allowed to run,
leaving Morsi able to run with the full resources of the Brotherhood behind
him. The major problem with a religious
party, once in power, is that whoever is in charge can claim that God approves
of what he is doing and the source is not easily available. You can try 1-800-CALL-GOD, but it won't
work.
Next, the
centrists and the leftists, especially the leftists who did the most to expunge
Egypt of Mubarak, is that they did not cooperate. Rather, they split into a myriad of factions leaving them with
about 9 or more candidates to split the vote.
On the left, as we well know, there is always a tendency to proclaim
oneself more committed to the rights of man than the other, the more liberal
than thou syndrome, that splits movements and eliminates effectiveness. The center has similar problems, although
they tend to center on economic policy.
So, Morsi
easily was elected, but the judicial system would not allow him to finalize a
constitution. So, he simply proclaimed
it law. From that, his aggression
against dissent intensified.
Things got so
bad, that the people revolted again hoping that the Army would help them
again. This time, however, the military
proved even more rigid than the Brotherhood.
Now, the leader of the military is going to run for president, and one
can easily predict that he will be elected as the brotherhood is once again
banned from running in elections and the rest of the sensible people will not
get organized in time.
Even our
reporter, one who we have followed for some time, is extremely careful in the
following interview. He is not one to
back down from a fight and does convey the basic facts, but those of us who
know him can see from his language that he is being careful lest he wind up in
jail to join 20,000 others, about a hundred journalists among them:
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 26, 2014
Egypt’s Courts Further Repression with Journos on Trial & Mass Death Sentence for Morsi Supporters
Egypt is facing international criticism after
the largest mass sentencing in its modern history. On Monday, 529 supporters of
ousted President Mohamed Morsi were ordered killed over the death of a single
police officer in protests last summer. The trial lasted just over two days, with
the majority tried in absentia. The exceptionally swift trial and harsh
sentences mark a new escalation of the Egyptian military regime’s crackdown on
Morsi supporters, which has led to hundreds of deaths and thousands of arrests.
In another closely watched trial, Al Jazeera journalists Peter Greste, Baher
Mohamed and Mohamed Fahmy have been denied bail after nearly three months in
prison. They are accused of belonging to or aiding a terrorist organization.
Meanwhile, two leading Egyptian activists have been freed after over 100 days
behind bars. Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Ahmed Abdel Rahman are among a group of
activists charged with violating the military regime’s anti-protest law. They
and 23 others have been released on bail but still face a trial that resumes
next month. We go to Cairo to speak with Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif
Abdel Kouddous.
TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in
its final form.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Widespread outrage continues to grow after the largest
mass sentencing in modern Egyptian history. Human rights groups, the United
States and the European Union have denounced an Egyptian court’s recent
decision to sentence 529 supporters of ousted President Mohamed Morsi to death.
The convictions followed a trial that lasted just over two days, with the
majority of the accused tried in absentia for their alleged role in killing a
single police officer last summer. Now, a new mass trial has opened involving
683 people, including top Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohammed Badie. On Tuesday,
U.S. State Department spokesperson Marie Harf denounced the trials.
MARIE HARF: Implementation of yesterday’s verdict, imposing the death
penalty on 529 defendants after a two-day trial, would be unconscionable. The
verdicts handed down yesterday by the court and the commencement of another
mass trial for 683 individuals today in the same court represent a flagrant
disregard for basic standards of justice. The imposition of the death penalty
for 529 defendants after a two-day summary proceeding cannot be reconciled with
Egypt’s obligations under international human rights law. And its
implementation of these sentences, as I said, would be unconscionable.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: The exceptionally swift trial and harsh sentences mark a
new escalation of the Egyptian military regime’s crackdown on Morsi supporters,
which has led to hundreds of deaths and thousands of arrests. Amnesty
International said the recent mass convictions were, quote, "a grotesque
example of the shortcomings and the selective nature of Egypt’s justice
system." On Tuesday in Alexandria, students took to the streets in
protest. This is Maha Abdel Aziz.
MAHA ABDEL AZIZ: [translated] This is the beginning of an escalation, and
we will stop the police. We will not be quiet. We are here today against
military rule, and we are all chanting together, whether Muslim Brotherhood, 6
of April Movement, Horeya movement or Ahrar movement. Anyone chanting anything
other than "Down with military rule," we are obliged to deal with
them. Today we are here united to bring down military rule.
AMY GOODMAN: Meanwhile, two leading Egyptian activists have been freed
after over a hundred days behind bars. Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Ahmed Abdel
Rahman are among a group of activists charged with violating the military
regime’s anti-protest law. They and 23 others have been released on bail but
still face a trial that resumes next month.
For more, we go to
Cairo, Egypt, where we’re joined by Democracy
Now!’s Sharif Abdel Kouddous.
Sharif, welcome back
to Democracy Now! Start with the sentencing of—what is
it—529 people to death.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Right, Amy. I mean, by all accounts, this was a stunning
verdict that was handed down the other day. As you mentioned, 529 people
sentenced to death in one of the largest death sentence rulings in modern
history across the world. The judge issued his verdict after just one day in
court on Saturday, a session in which defense lawyers said they weren’t allowed
to present their case at all before the judge. There was—the defendants were,
hundreds of them, in a cage in the courtroom, were chanting. The judge ordered
security forces to close in on the defense lawyers, and then quickly adjourned
the session and said he would issue his verdict two days later. And the verdict
came down and really sent shockwaves throughout the international community,
has been condemned by the EU, the United States. The Obama administration
condemned it, as did local and international human rights groups.
And as you mentioned,
that same judge just adjourned another mass trial on many similar charges
involving suspected Morsi supporters, including the head of the Muslim
Brotherhood, Mohammed Badie. This trial involved over 680 people, and the judge
again adjourned it. The defense boycotted the proceedings following the verdict
in the other case. And he’ll issue a verdict in that case on April 28th.
So, this has already
sparked protests in Egypt. A group called the Students Against the Coup have
called for protests in at least six universities today. Pro-Morsi groups,
including the Anti-Coup Alliance, have called for demonstrations, as well. So,
this ruling really is only serving to stoke the flames of tension in Egypt
further.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Sharif, could you explain specifically what this case was
about? What are these 529 people convicted of?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: They’re charged with murder, attempted murder, joining an
outlawed group with the intention of toppling the government, and stealing
government weapons in connection with the attack on a police station in Minya,
in southern Egypt. This took place in August following the raids on the
pro-Morsi sit-ins, where at least 600 people were killed on August 14th. This
set off violence in much of the country in retaliation. In this particular
attack regarding this case, one police officer was killed. And in retaliation,
these 545 people were put on trial, and as we know, 529 of which are now—have
now been sentenced to death. Even judicial officials involved with this case
are critical of the ruling. It’s widely expected to be overturned on appeal on
proceeding—on procedure alone. So we’ll have to wait and see what happens with
that.
But really, it really
was a stunning verdict, and especially when you put it in the context of
another recent court case in which a trial was brought against police officers
who were charged in the killing of 37 prisoners who died of suffocation in a
truck in August. One police officer was sentenced to 10 years in prison, and
three others sentenced to one-year suspended sentences, which means they don’t
serve any prison time. So, when you compare those to the lack of justice in
Egypt’s justice system, it’s very stark.
AMY GOODMAN: Sharif, defense attorneys in the Muslim Brotherhood case
boycotted the proceedings, complaining of judicial irregularities and media
censorship. This is defense lawyer Tarek Fouda.
TAREK FOUDA: [translated] Implemented today in the crime of Edwa, there
is a boycott by all lawyers to the hearing, an historical stand. And everyone
should know that the lawyers’ syndicate will not and would not turn its back on
a state based upon the law and the solidification of the spearhead that is the
law.
AMY GOODMAN: Hours after Tuesday’s trial began, protests broke out at
Minya University. Police lobbed tear-gas canisters, fired in the air, in
attempt to disperse hundreds of demonstrators. Sharif?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Right. As I said, this is further stoking flames of
tension in Egypt. We’ve seen ongoing protests since Morsi’s ouster back in
July. But really, in 2014, a second wave of repression and crackdown has been
significantly increasing. Many hundreds, thousands of people have been
imprisoned by—at least 16,000 people are in jail, have been imprisoned since
Morsi’s ouster in July. The higher count of that puts it at 24,000 in prison.
Up to 2,500 people have been killed. And so, we’ve seen some of the worst
violence, some of the worst repression in Egypt’s modern history take place.
And rulings like this only serve to feed the flames of tension in Egypt.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Can you say a little about how the regime has responded,
if at all, to the condemnation from the EU, the U.S., the international
community and the human rights organizations in Egypt to this verdict?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Well, officials in Egypt typically cite the independence
of the judiciary and do not comment on justice cases. We saw the head of the
State Information Service speak with Christiane Amanpour on CNN, defend
the ruling or say he couldn’t comment on it. So, typically, this has been the
typical response of the Egyptian regime to these kinds of cases.
There’s other cases
that are ongoing, as well, that have received international attention,
particularly the case of the Al Jazeera journalists who are on trial. This is a
landmark case. Three Al Jazeera journalists have been imprisoned for nearly
three months now after being arrested on December 29th. They’re on trial on
terrorism charges. Mohamed Fahmy is a Canadian-Egyptian citizen, who was the
acting bureau chief of Al Jazeera English; Australian correspondent Peter
Greste; and Baher Mohamed, an Egyptian producer. The third court session of
their trial adjourned on Sunday. The next session is being held on March 31st.
They’re living in a notorious prison called Tora, sharing a cell, all three of
them. They’re locked up 23 hours a day. They’re not allowed any books or
writing materials and, up until recently, weren’t even allowed newspapers.
Mohamed Fahmy is
suffering an injury in his arm. He had a fractured shoulder unrelated to his
arrest, but it was worsened and broke during his detention. During the first
weeks of his imprisonment, he was denied any proper medical attention. He was
imprisoned in a worse section of the prison, a maximum-security wing known as
the Scorpion, where he was held in solitary confinement without a bed, without
sunlight, and his condition worsened and healed incorrectly. He can now only
lift his right arm a few inches from his waist. He requires surgery and
physical therapy to—in order to recover.
So this case has
sparked solidarity protests around the world by journalists and by others
calling for their release. At this session, they all, from the defendants’
cage, told reporters that the international pressure was very important to
their case and that it helped with—alleviate some of their conditions. And so
they’re calling on people to continue the pressure, and they’re demanding to be
released on a fair trial.
AMY GOODMAN: Sharif, this is Mohamed Fahmy from the cage in the
courtroom condemning the proceedings.
MOHAMED FAHMY: Today’s proceedings show that there is—it seems like all
the witnesses have some amnesia or something, Alzheimer’s. There’s a lot of
discrepancies in the documents and what they are saying themselves. The
prosecutor has a lot to answer for, for allowing the four engineers in the
Maspero state TV to have exactly the same copy/paste testimony, that we have
seen in our video
AMY GOODMAN: That is Mohamed Fahmy. So, where does this case go, and
why is the Egyptian government trying these three Al Jazeera journalists,
Sharif?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Well, the case, as I said, they are charged with joining
or aiding a terrorist organization, charged with creating false scenes that
harm Egypt’s reputation abroad in the benefit of the Muslim Brotherhood. It’s a
very significant escalation in the crackdown on the press in Egypt. It marks
one of the rare times that journalists have been put on trial and the first
time that journalists face these kinds of very serious terrorism charges, which
carry sentences, potential sentences, of up to 15 years in prison.
The Al Jazeera English
was broadcasting from Egypt, would cover a lot of opposition voices, a lot of
the protests that were taking place on universities and so forth. And we can
only imagine or surmise that this is a way to clamp down on any media that was
really covering the other side of the Egyptian political sphere. We’ve seen a
crackdown on all of the local press. The pro-Morsi channels have all been shut
down. The private media and the state media act as a propaganda mouthpiece, for
the most part, for the regime, and so it’s very hard to hear opposition voices.
People also assume that this is a crackdown also because of Al Jazeera being a
Qatari-owned station and the animosity between Qatar and the government in
Egypt, and this being a manifestation of that. But by all accounts, press
freedom groups across the world have condemned this case, and journalists
around the world are calling for their release. And it marks a serious
escalation in the repression on press freedom in Egypt.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Sharif, could you speak briefly about the release of
Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Ahmed Abdel Rahman, along with 23 other activists
released on bail, and the significance of their release?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Right, well, I think, you know, the crackdown has focused
largely on the Muslim Brotherhood and his supporters, but it has seriously
widened much beyond that and has encompassed all kinds of opposition voices,
including Alaa Abd El-Fattah, who’s one of the most prominent activists in
Egypt. He was jailed under the Mubarak regime, was jailed by the Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces that replaced Mubarak, was issued an arrest warrant
under Morsi, and was jailed this time for a hundred days without having a
hearing. His case was transferred to a criminal court, and he was refused a
hearing up until just a few days ago, in which the judge did grant bail. He is
charged with organizing a protest and violating a very draconian protest law
that was put in place by the unelected government here in November. And the
case is very meaningful because it’s still ongoing. He still could get a
verdict.
Alaa was held in a
prison section along with other very prominent activists, like Ahmed Maher and
Mohammed Adel of the April 6 Youth Movement, and Douma, as well. And there’s
thousands of other protesters who have been rounded up on the streets. Over a
thousand were rounded up just on one day alone, on January 25th of this year.
They’ve been held in terrible conditions. There’s been widespread accounts of
beating, of torture. And prosecutors have been complicit in this crackdown by
renewing preventative detention orders, so where preventative detention is
being used as a form of punishment. So, many people don’t even have—have not
seen a judge and are just being held with 15-day detention orders that
continually are renewed. When court cases do come, they’re typically handed
something like two to three years in prison for charges like breaking the
protest law or gathering or trying to harm national security.
Many of these
protesters are poor. They don’t have proper legal representation. Many of them
are the only breadwinners in their family. And many of them are young. And this
is really seen as a targeting of an entire generation, that its first
experience with Egyptian politics has been the revolution. And they have seen
over the past three years friends and colleagues and loved ones be jailed or be
killed or be wounded in this uprising and the struggle, and I doubt very much
that this kind of repression will silence them. And in fact, it’s really
stoking the flames of further unrest. So, in 2014, we still have a long way to
go to achieve real change in Egypt.
AMY GOODMAN: Sharif, we want to thank you for being with us, Sharif
Abdel Kouddous reporting from Cairo, Egypt. And we’re looking at images of Alaa
Abd El-Fattah when he was released, holding his baby, who was born when he was
in prison under Mubarak, just as he was born as his father was imprisoned years
before. Sharif Abdel Kouddous, thanks so much. This is Democracy Now! When we come back, we’ll look at Saudi
Arabia with Patrick Cockburn in London. Stay with us.
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