Saturday, June 07, 2014

PHILOSOPHICAL RUMINATIONS


PHILOSOPHICAL RUMINATIONS

The juxtaposition of these particular aphorisms by Adorno may at first seem strange, but they all intertwine as a commentary of the human condition as opposed to the manufactured human condition.  Even somewhat strange reading attempts to come to terms with Nietzsche seem antiquated today when he is much better understood.  Certainly, there are at least two Nietzsches, as described below by Ernst, but a multitude -- even as he is now understood better than ever.  As he himself said, "I was born posthumously."  In fact, by the end of the 19th century, there was not the slightest hint that he was soon to become the single most influential thinker of the 20th, revolutionizing thought and impacting thinkers and writers either directly or indirectly for the entire century and beyond.  This is remarkable in itself as his final and most productive year was 1888 and only a thousand copies of his last book of Zarathustra had been printed and most of them were given away.  Soon after his last work, the Anti-Christ, he finally succumbed to brain cancer and could not be induced to utter a single syllable about his work.  The Will to Power is an attempt by his sister to piece together many of his past writings and notebooks and it was published without his knowledge.  The influence he was to have in the next Century was as well anticipated as was Quantum Mechanics in the Physical Sciences.  This selection of aphorisms concludes with Adorno's own analysis of Nietzsche.  Evaluation and explication of that is left to the reader.

               #106 here discusses memory and memories and the discussion yields an ambivalent attitude towards it.  It concludes, however, with a very powerful assertion of ints importance:  in other words, without memories of past achievements or worth, one is doomed to die in despair.  With such a warning, it is wise to revisit our own memories and reassess them rather than to dismiss them.  It is certainly worth thinking about whether winning a baseball game with one swing of the bat, leaving all players to walk off the field, way back when one was in his teens is a more worthy achievement than obtaining a Ph.D. or having an I.Q. measured at least three standard deviations above the mean.  In the last analysis, which of these three is the most valuable?  There are many diverse elements involved in each situation, but perhaps the overwhelming one is the instantaneous accomplishment which put a final and irrevocable end to something.  The point here is that there is value in all of these and one need not let society or societal prejudices determine the value of any of them, nor should one allow them to be tinged as either "good" or "bad" according to some external value system that seems to conspire to keep the individual humble and retiring and allow the wealthy and powerful to continue their own definition of success, which always seems to describe them.

               #113 shows Adorno at his most irritating, and hence most interesting.  He discusses Schopenhauer's attitude towards leisure time as expressed by an editor to his World as Will and Idea, indicates that therefore Schopenhauer preferred death to leisure time, found himself alienated from the concept, and then uses Baudelaire, Christianity, Marx (the concept of alienation), and Tolstoi's attitude towards the feeling after sex to support his points.  On a very real level this is preposterous.  In fact, when Schopenhauer felt the urge to copulate was so overwhelming that it distracted him from his thought and writing, he went out, paid a willing female, and discharged the offending urge and, with much relief, returned to his work.  Such a logical and intelligent, and also stubborn, attitude is simply beyond the imagination of most human beings, yet who is to say that many males, at least, would have led happier and more productive lives had they followed Schopenhauer's advice and example?

               #119 is an excellent discussion of morality as oppression and how it developed.   It is amazing when one considers how a system of values that asserts the corrupting and pernicious effects of capital acquisition become a defense of the ruling class and the wealthy, what we today, in 2014, tend to call the 1% when we are in our most polite mode of discourse.  Additionally, the ruling forces have always attempted to harness are acquire the rights to any sort of pleasurable or needy urges and allow then to be indulged only by permission.  In a section here omitted Adorno uses the term "Ford" to refer to Henry Ford, the archetypical capitalist later identified as Fascist.  It is little-known that he had manufacturing plants in Hitler's Germany and was supplying armaments to Hitler during World War II (he was doing the same here).  It is even less known that we bombed one or more of these plants during the war and he sued the United States Government for damages.  Even more preposterous is the fact that he won in the United States' Legal system.  He became an obvious symbol of the first half of the 20th century and was used by Aldus Huxley in his Brave New World, a classic that illustrates much of what Adorno discusses in the next passages.  Today, of course, no single person can be used a such an exemplar as there ae so many, all subsumed under the rubric of "Corporation," a concept which has been legally designated as human by our legal system as of a few years ago.

               The rest of the discussion concerns the CULTURE INDUSTRY.  This is a concept that the Frankfurt School has had difficulty in dealing with.  At one time, Marcuse wrote a piece lamenting the phonograph as replacing the concert hall which led to much anger and indignation.  He, of course, was not attacking the technology and the benefits but rather remarking on the importance of the traditional setting.  At the same approximate time, a recording of the Goldberg Variations by Glenn Gould was released and caused not only a sensation, but a revolution in the way people listened to serious music.  Some classical pianists remarked that the recording reminded them of why they started on their arduous career in the first place.   Gould erupted against the stuffy and traditional, appearing in an overcoat, sitting on an orange crate, wearing gloves with the fingertips cut off and performing in the most prestigious concert halls in the world.  Eventually, he retired from public performance and dedicated himself exclusively to the recording studio.   He hummed along, out of tune, with his brilliant playing and revived classical music and revolutionized how people listened to it.
               Adorno himself contributed to Thomas Mann's understanding of the technicalities of classical music, especially the twelve tone system of Arnold Schoenberg.  I would not hesitate to recommend Dr. Faustus as the most accomplished novel of the twentieth century, although I would warn that not only is a familiarity with the Faust legend is required but also a close understanding of what "Classical" music is.  Terms such as "Fugue," "Cantata," "Sonata," and several others are familiar enough and, if they are not, Faustus is not a work the reader will find rewarding.
               I must, however, contrast it to Finnegan's Wake and the works of Joyce.  Joyce once said "It took me my whole life to write my books.  You should spend your whole life reading them."  I took him at his word, eagerly, and abandoned any attempts to come to terms with him.  There were simply too many other authors to consider.  Thomas Mann has never made such an idiotic statement.
               On the final issue: the culture industry.  Mass media is simply too demeaning to discuss formally and is out of place here.  Adorno does his best to deal with it and I leave his words to themselves.
              

106

All the little flowers. – The sentence, most likely from Jean-Paul, that memories are the only property which cannot be taken from us, belongs in the storehouse of a powerlessly sentimental consolation, which would like to think that the self-renouncing withdrawal of the subject into interiority is precisely the fulfillment, from which the consolation turns away. By establishing the archive of oneself, the subject commandeers its own stock of experience as property and thereby turns it once more into something entirely external to the subject. The past inner life turns into furniture, just as, conversely, every piece of Biedermeier furniture was memory made wood. The intérieur [French: interior], in which the soul stores its collection of curiosities and memorabilia, is invalid. Memories cannot be preserved in drawers and file cabinets, but rather in them is indissolubly interwoven what is past with what is present. No-one has them at their disposal in the freedom and arbitrariness, whose praise resounds in the swollen sentences of Jean-Paul. Precisely where they becomes controllable and objective, where the subject thinks of them as wholly secure, memories fade like soft wall-papers under harsh sunlight. Where however they retain their energy, protected by what is forgotten, they are endangered like anything which is alive. The conception of Bergson and Proust, aimed against reification, according to which what is contemporary, what is immediacy, constitutes itself only through memory, the reciprocity of what is now and what is then, has for that reason not merely a providential but also an infernal aspect. Just as no earlier experience truly exists, which was not detached from the rigor mortis of its isolated existence by involuntary memorialization, so too is the converse true, that no memory is guaranteed, as existing in itself, indifferent towards the future of the one who harbors it; nothing which is past is safe from the curse of the empirical present, through the transition into mere representation [Vorstellung]. The most blissful memory of a human being can, according to its substance, be repealed by a later experience. Whoever loved and betrayed love, does something awful not only to the picture of what has been, but to this last itself. With incontrovertible evidence, an unwilling gesture while awakening, a hollow cadence, a faint hypocrisy of pleasure, inveigles itself into the memory, making the nearness of yesterday already into the alienation, which it today has become. Despair has the expression of what is irrevocable not because things couldn’t go better next time, but because it draws the previous time into its maw. That is why it is foolish and sentimental, to wish to preserve what is past as pure in the midst of the dirty flood of what is contemporary. This latter, delivered unprotected to calamity, is left with no other hope than to emerge once more from this latter as something else. To those however who die in despair, their whole life was in vain.

113

Spoilsport. – The affinity between asceticism and euphoria, noted by the humdrum wisdom of psychology, the love-hate between saints and whores, has the objectively valid ground, that asceticism accords to fulfillment more of its rights than cultural installment-payments. The hostility to pleasure is certainly not to be separated from the consensus with the discipline of a society, which has its essence [Wesen] in demanding more than it grants in return. But there is also a mistrust against pleasure which comes from the intuition, that the latter is in this world nothing of the sort. A construction of Schopenhauer unconsciously expressed something of this intuition. The transition from the affirmation to the repudiation of the will to life occurs in the development of the thought, that in every delimitation of the will by a barrier “which is placed... between it and its former goal” there is suffering; in contrast, “its attainment of the goal” would be “satisfaction, well-being, happiness.” While such “suffering,” according to Schopenhauer’s intransigent cognition, could easily enough grow to the point that death itself would be preferable, the condition of “satisfaction” is itself unsatisfying, because “as soon as a shelter is granted to human beings from urgent necessity and suffering, boredom is so close at hand, that it requires the killing of time. What occupies all living beings and keeps them in motion, is the striving for existence [Dasein]. They don’t know what to do with existence, however, what it is assured: thus the second thing, which they set into motion, is the striving to be free of the burden of existence, to make it imperceptible, ‘to kill time’, that is, to escape boredom.” (Schopenhauer, Collected Works, Grand Duke Wilhelm-Ernst Edition, Volume I: The World as Will and Idea. I. Introduction by Eduard Grisebach. Leipzig 1920, pg 415). But the concept of this boredom which is sublated to such unsuspected dignity, is something which Schopenhauer’s sensibility, which is hostile to history, would least like to admit – bourgeois through and through. It is, as the experience of antithetical “free time,” the complement of alienated labor, whether this free time is supposed to merely reproduce expended energy, or whether it is burdened by the extraction of alien labor as a mortgage. Free time remains the reflex of the rhythm of production as something imposed heteronomously, to which the former is compulsorily held fast even in periods of weariness. The consciousness of the unfreedom of all existence, which the pressure of the demands of commerce, and thus unfreedom itself, does not allow to appear, emerges first in the intermezzo of freedom. The nostalgie du dimanche [French: Sunday nostalgia] is not homesickness for the workweek, but for the condition which is emancipated from this; Sundays are unsatisfying, not because they are observed, but because its own promise immediately represents itself at the same time as something unfulfilled; like the English one, every Sunday is too little Sunday. Those for who time painfully extends itself, who wait in vain, are disappointed that it failed to happen, that tomorrow goes past once more just like yesterday. The boredom of those however who do not need to work, is not fundamentally different from this. Society as a totality imposes, on those with administrative power, what they do to others, and what these latter may not do, the former will scarcely permit themselves. The bourgeoisie have turned satiety, which ought to be the close relation of ecstasy, into an epithet. Because others go hungry, ideology demands that the absence of hunger should count as vulgar. Thus the bourgeoisie indict the bourgeoisie. Their own existence, as exempt from labor, prevents any praise of laziness: the latter would be boring. The hectic bustle, which Schopenhauer refers to, is due less to the unbearable nature of the privileged condition than to its ostentation, which according to the historical situation either enlarges the social distance or seemingly reduces such through presumably important events and ceremonies, which are supposed to emphasize the usefulness of the masters. If those at the top truly felt bored, this stems not from too much happiness, but from the fact that they are marked by the general unhappiness; by the commodity character, which consigns the pleasures to idiocy, by the brutality of command, whose terrifying echo resounds in the high spirits of the rulers, finally by their fear of their own superfluousness. Noone who profits from the profit-system is capable of existing therein without shame, and it distorts even undistorted pleasure, although the excesses, which the philosophers envy, may by no means be so boring as they assure us. That boredom would disappear in realized freedom, is something vouchsafed by many experiences stolen from civilization. The saying omne animal post coitum triste [Latin: all animals are sad after mating] was devised by bourgeois contempt for humanity: nowhere more than here does what is human distinguish itself from creaturely sorrow. Not euphoria but socially approved love elicits disgust: the latter is, in Ibsen’s word, sticky. Those who are deeply moved by erotic sentiment transform fatigue into the plea for tenderness, and momentary sexual incapacity is understood as accidental, entirely external to passion. It is not for nothing that Baudelaire thought the bondage of erotic obsession together with the illuminating spiritualization, naming kiss, scent and conversation equally immortal. The transience of pleasure, on which asceticism stakes its claim, stands for the fact that except in the minutes heureuses [French: happy minutes], in which the forgotten life of the lover radiates from the arms and limbs of the beloved, there is no pleasure yet at all. Even the Christian denunciation of sex in Tolstoy’s Kreutzer Sonata cannot entirely cancel out the memory of this in the middle of all the Capucin-style preaching. What he reproaches sensuous love for, is not only the grandiosely overweening theological motif of self-denial, that no human being may turn another into an object – actually thus a protest against patriarchal control – but at the same time the memorialization of the bourgeois malformation of sex, in its murky entanglement with every material interest, in marriage as a humiliating compromise, however much of an undercurrent of Rousseau’s resentment against pleasure raised to reflection runs in this. The attack on the period of the engagement is aimed at the family photograph, which resemblance the word “bridegroom.” ‘And moreover there was that ridiculous custom of giving sweets, of coarse gormandizing on sweets, and all those abominable preparations for the wedding: remarks about the house, the bedroom, beds, wraps, dressing-gowns, underclothing, costumes.’ [The Kreutzer Sonata, trans. R. Gustafson, Oxford UP: 1997, pg 107] He similarly mocks the honeymoon, which is compared to the disappointment after visiting an ‘extremely uninteresting’ fairground booth, extolled by a hawker. The exhausted senses are less to blame for this dégoût [French: disgust] than what is institutionalized, ordained, prefabricated in pleasure, its false immanence in the social order which adjusts it and turns it into something deathly sad, in the moment it is decreed. Such contrariness may grow to the point that all euphoria ultimately prefers to cease, inside renunciation, rather than violating the concept of euphoria through its realization.

119

Model virtue. – It is well-known how oppression and ethics [Moral] converge in the renunciation of the drives. But the ethical ideas do not merely oppress other ones, but are immediately derived from the existence of the oppressor. Since Homer, the concepts of good and wealth are intertwined in the Greek language. The kalokagathie [Greek: perfection], which was upheld by the humanists of modern society as a model of aesthetic-ethical harmony, has always put a heavy emphasis on property, and Aristotele’s Politics openly confessed the fusion of inner value with status in the determination of nobility, as “inherited wealth, which is connected with excellence.” The concept of the polis [Greek: city-state] in classical antiquity, which upheld internalized and externalized nature [Wesen], the validity of the individual [Individuum] in the city-state and the individual’s self as a unity, permitted it to ascribe moral rank to wealth, without inciting the crude suspicion, which the doctrine already at that time courted. If the visible effect on an existent state establishes the measure of a human being, then it is nothing but consistency to vouchsafe the material wealth, which tangibly confirms that effect, as the characteristic of the person, since the latter’s moral substance – just as later in Hegel’s philosophy – is supposed to be constituted on nothing other than their participation in the objective, social substance. Christianity first negated that identification, in the phrase that it would be easier to pass a camel through the eye of a needle than for a rich person to enter heaven. But the particular theological premise on voluntary chosen poverty indicates how deeply the general consciousness is stamped by the ethos [Moralität] of property. Fixed property is to be distinguished from the nomadic disorder, against which all norms are directed; to be good and to have goods, coincided from the beginning. Good people are those who control themselves as their own possessions: their autonomous nature [Wesen] is modeled on material disposition. The rich are therefore not to be accused of being unethical – that reproach has ever belonged to the armature of political oppression – but given to understand, that they represent ethics [Moral] to others. In this latter is reflected having [Habe]. Wealth as goodliness [Gutsein: having goods/being good] is an element of the mortar of the world: the hard-bitten appearance [Schein] of such identity hinders the confrontation of the moral idea with the social order, in which the rich are right, while at the same time determinations of what is ethical different than those derived from wealth cannot be conceptualized. The more that the individual [Individuum] and society later diverged in the competition of interests, and the more the former is thrown back on itself, the more stubbornly do individuals hold onto the conception of moral nature [Wesen] as wealth. It is supposed to vouch for the possibility of reunifying what has been divided in two, into inside and outside. That is the secret of the inner-worldly asceticism, which Max Weber wrongly hypostatized as the limitless exertion of the businessman ad majorem dei gloriam [Latin: to the greater glory of God]. Material success binds individual [Individuum] and society not merely in the comfortable and meanwhile dubious sense, that the rich can escape loneliness, but in a far more radical sense: if the blind, isolated self-interest is driven only far enough, then it passes over, along with the economic one, into social power and reveals itself to be the incarnation of a universally binding principle. Whoever is rich or acquires wealth, experiences what is attained by the ego, “by one’s own initiative,” as what the objective Spirit [Geist], the truly irrational predestination of a society held together by brutal economic inequality, has willed. Thus the rich may reckon as benevolence, what testifies only to its absence. To themselves and to others, they experience themselves as the realization of the general principle. Because this latter is injustice, that is why the unjust turn regularly into the just, and not as mere illusion, but borne out of the hegemony of the law, according to which society reproduces itself. The wealth of the individual is inseparable from progress in society as “prehistory.” The rich dispose over the means of production. Consequently the technical progress, in which the entire society participates, is accounted for primarily as “their” progress, today that of industry, and the Fords necessarily appear to be benefactors, to the same degree which they in fact are, given the framework of the existing relations of production. Their privilege, already established in advance, makes it seem as if they were giving up what is theirs – namely the increase on the side of use-value – while those who are receiving their administered blessings are getting back only part of the profit. That is the ground of the character of delusion of ethical hierarchy. Poverty has indeed always been glorified as asceticism, the social condition for the acquisition of precisely the wealth in which morality [Sittlichkeit] is manifested, but nevertheless “what a man is worth” [in English in original] signifies, as everyone knows, the bank account – in the jargon of the German merchants, “the man is good,” i.e. they can pay. What however the reasons of state of the almighty economy so cynically confesses, reaches unacknowledged into the mode of conduct of individuals. The generosity in private intercourse, which the rich can presumably allow themselves, the reflected glow of happiness, which rests on them, and something of this falls on everyone who they consort with, all this veils them. They remain nice, “the right people” [in English in original], the better types, the good. Wealth distances itself from immediate injustice. The guard beats strikers with a billy club, the son of the factory-owner may occasionally drink a whisky with the progressive author. According to all desiderata of private ethics [Moral], even the most advanced kind, the rich could, if they only could, in fact always better be than the poor. This possibility, while truly indeed left unused, plays its role in the ideology of those who do not have it: even the convicted con artist, who may anyway be preferable to the legitimate boss of the trusts, is famous for having such a beautiful house, and the highly paid executive turns into a warm human being, the moment they serve an opulent dinner. Today’s barbaric religion of success is accordingly not simply counter-ethical [widermoralisch], rather it is the home-coming of the West to the venerable morals [Sitten] of the fathers. Even the norms, which condemn the arrangement of the world, owe their existence to the latter’s own mischief [Unwesen]. All ethics [Moral] is formed on the model of what is unethical [Unmoral], and to this day reproduces the latter at every stage. Slave-ethics [Sklavenmoral] is in fact bad: it is still only master-ethics [Herrenmoral].

129

Customer service. – The culture industry sanctimoniously claims to follow its consumers and to deliver what they want. But while it reflexively denigrates every thought of its own autonomy and proclaims its victims as judges, its veiled high-handedness outbids all the excesses of autonomous art. It is not so much that the culture industry adapts to the reactions of its customers, as that it feigns these latter. It rehearses them, by behaving as if it itself was a customer. One could almost suspect, the entire “adjustment” [in English in original], which it claims to obey, is ideology; that the more human beings try, through exaggerated equality, through the oath of fealty to social powerlessness, to participate in power and to drive out equality, the more they attempt to make themselves resemble others and the whole. “The music listens for the listeners,” and the film practices on the scale of a trust the despicable trick of adults, who, when speaking down to a child, fall over the gift with the language which suits only them, and then present the usually dubious gift with precisely the expression of lip-smacking joy, that is supposed to be elicited. The culture industry is tailored according to mimetic regression, to the manipulation of suppressed imitation-impulses. Therein it avails itself of the method, of anticipating its own imitation by its viewers, and sealing the consensus that it wishes to establish, by making it appear as if it already existed. What makes this all the easier, is that it can count on such a consensus in a stable system and can ritually repeat it, rather than actually having to produce it. Its product is by no means a stimulus, but a model for modes of reaction of nonexistent stimuli. Thus the enthusiastic music titles on the silver screen, the moronic children’s speech, the eye-winking folksiness; even the close-up of the start calls out “How beautiful!,” as it were. With this procedure the cultural machine goes so far as to dress down viewers like the frontally photographed express train in a moment of tension. The cadence of every film however is that of the witch, who serves soup to the little ones she wants to ensorcel or devour, with the hideous murmur, “Yummy soup, yummy soup? You'll enjoy it, you'll enjoy it...” In art, this kitchen fire-magic was discovered by Wagner, whose linguistic intimacies and musical spices are always tasting themselves, and who simultaneously demonstrated the entire procedure, with the genius’ compulsion of confession, in the scene of the Ring, where Mime offers Siegfried the poisoned potion. Who however is supposed to chop off the monster’s head, now that its blond locks have lain for a long time under the linden tree? [Unter den Linden: famous boulevard in Berlin]

130

Grey and grey. – Not even its bad conscience can help the culture industry. Its Spirit [Geist] is so objective, that it slaps all its subjects in the face, and so the latter, agents all, know what the story is and seek to distance themselves through mental reservations from the nonsense which they create. The acknowledgment, that films broadcast ideology, is itself a broadcast ideology. It is dealt with administratively by the rigid distinction between synthetic day-dreams on the one hand, vehicles of flight from daily life, “escape” [English in original]; and well-meaning products on the other hand, which promote correct social behaviors, providing information, “conveying a message” [in English in original]. The prompt subsumption under “escape” [in English in original] and “message” [in English in original] expresses the untruth of both types. The mockery against “escape” [in English in original], the standardized outrage against superficiality, is nothing but the pathetic echo of the old-fashioned ethos, which denounces gambling, because it cannot play along with such in the prevailing praxis. The escape-films are so dreadful not because they turn their back on an existence squeezed dry, but because they do not do so energetically enough, because they are squeezed just as dry, because the satisfactions which they pretend to give, converge with the humiliation of reality, with renunciation. The dreams have no dream. Just as the technicolor heroes don’t allow us to forget for a second that they are normal human beings, typecast prominent faces and investments, what is unmistakably revealed under the thin flutter of schematically produced fantasy is the skeleton of cinema-ontology, the entire prescribed hierarchy of values, the canon of what is unwanted and what is to be imitated. Nothing is more practical than “escape” [in English in original], nothing is more wedded to bustle: one is kidnapped into the distance only to have it hammered into one’s consciousness, that even at a distance, the laws of the empirical mode of life are undisturbed by empirical deviations. The “escape” [in English in original] is full of “message” [in English in original]. That is how the “message” [in English in original], the opposite, looks, which wishes to flee from flight. It reifies the resistance against reification. One need only hear experts talk about how a splendid work of the silver screen has, next to other merits, also a constitution, in the same tone of voice that a pretty actress is described as even having “personality” [in English in original]. The executive can easily decide at the conference, that the escape-film must be given, next to more expensive additions, an ideal such as: human beings should be noble, helpful and good. Separated from the immanent logic of the entity, from the thing, the ideal turns into something produced on tap, the reform of ameliorable grievances, transfigured charity, thereby simultaneously tangible and void. They prefer most of all to broadcast the rehabilitation of drunks, whose impoverished euphoria they envy. By representing a society hardened in itself, according to anonymous laws, as if good will alone were enough to help matters, that society is defended even where it is honestly attacked. What is reflected is a kind of popular front of all proper and right-thinking people. The practical Spirit [Geist] of the “message” [in English in original], the tangible demonstration of how things can be done better, allies itself with the system in the fiction, that a total social subject, which does not exist at present, can make everything okay, if one could only assemble all the pieces and clear up the root of the evil. It is quite pleasant, to be able to vouch for one’s efficiency. “Message” [in English in original] turns into “escape” [in English in original]: those swept up in cleaning the house in which they live, forget the ground on which it was built. What “escape” [in English in original] would really be, the antipathy, turned into a picture, against the whole, all the way into what is formally constituted, could recoil into a “message” [in English in original], without expressing it, indeed precisely through tenacious asceticism against the suggestion.

131

Wolf as grandmother. – The strongest argument of the apologists for film is the crudest, its massive consumption. They declare the drastic medium of the culture industry to be popular art. The independence of norms of the autonomous work is supposed to discharge it from aesthetic responsibility, a responsibility whose standards prove to be reactionary in relation to film, just as in fact all intentions of the artistic ennoblement of film have something awry, something badly elevated, something lacking in form – something of the import for the connoisseur. The more that film pretends to be art, the more fraudulent it becomes. Its protagonists can point to this and even, as critics of the meanwhile kitschy interiority, appear avant-garde next to its crude material kitsch. If one grants this as a ground, then they become, strengthened by technical experience and facility with the material, nearly irresistible. The film is not a mass art, but is merely manipulated for the deception of the masses? But the wishes of the masses make themselves felt incessantly through the market; its collective production alone would guarantee its collective essence [Wesen]; only someone completely outside of reality would presume to see clever manipulators in the producers; most are talentless, certainly, but where the right talents coincide, it can succeed in spite of all the restrictions of the system. The mass taste which the film obeys, is by no means that of the masses themselves, but foisted on them? But to speak of a different mass taste than the one they have now, would be foolish, and what is called popular art, has always reflected domination. According to such logic, it is only in the competent adaptation of production to given needs, not in consideration of a utopian audience, that the nameless general will can take shape. Films are full of lying stereotypes? But stereotyping is the essence of popular art, fairy-tales know the rescuing prince and the devil just as films have the hero and villain, and even the barbaric cruelty, which divided the world into good and evil, is something film has in common with the greatest fairy-tales, which have the stepmother dance to death in red-hot iron shoes.
All this is can be countered, only by consideration of the fundamental concepts presupposed by the apologists. Bad films are not to be charged with incompetence: the most gifted are refracted by the bustle, and the fact that the ungifted stream towards them, is due to the elective affinity between lies and swindlers. The idiocy is objective; improvements in personnel could not create a popular art. The latter’s idea was formed in agrarian relationships or simple commodity economies. Such relationships and their character of expression are those of lords and serfs, profiteers and disadvantaged, but in an immediate, not entirely objectified form. They are to be sure not less furrowed by class differences than late industrial society, but their members are not yet encompassed by the total structure, which reduces individual subjects to mere moments, in order to unite them, as those who are powerless and isolated, into the collective. That there are no longer folk does not however mean that, as Romanticism propagated, the masses are worse. On the contrary, what is revealed precisely now in the new, radical alienated form of society is the untruth of the older one. Even the traits, which the culture industry reclaims as the legacy of popular art, become thereby suspect. The film has a retroactive energy: its optimistic horror brings to light what always served injustice in the fairy-tale, and evokes in the parade of villains the countenances of those, which the integral society condemns and whose condemnation was ever the dream of socialization. That is why the extinction of individual art is no justification for one which acts as if it its subject, which reacts archaically, were the natural one, while this last is the syndicate, albeit unconscious, of a pair of giant firms. If the masses themselves, as customers, have an influence on the film, this remains as abstract as the ticket stub, which steps into the place of nuanced applause: the mere choice between yes and no to something offered, strung between the discrepancy of concentrated power and scattered powerlessness. Finally, the fact that numerous experts, also simple technicians, participate in the making of a film, no more guarantees its humanity than the decisions of competent scientific bodies vis-à-vis bombs and poison gas. The high-flown talk of film art stands indeed to benefit scribblers, who wish to get ahead; the conscious appeal to naïvété, however, to the block-headedness of the subalterns, long since permeated by the thoughts of the master, will not do. Film, which today clings as unavoidably to human beings, as if it was a piece of themselves, is simultaneously that which is most distant from their human determination, which is realized from one day to the next, and its apologetics live on the resistance against thinking through this antinomy. That the people who make films are by no means intriguers, says nothing against this. The objective Spirit [Geist] of manipulation prevails through rules of experience, estimations of situations, technical criteria, economically unavoidable calculations, the entire deadweight of the industrial apparatus, without even having to censor itself, and even those who questioned the masses, would find the ubiquity of the system reflected back at them. The producers function as little as subjects as their workers and buyers, but solely as parts of an independent machinery. The Hegelian-sounding commandment, however, that mass art must respect the real taste of the masses and not that of negativistic intellectuals, is usurpation. The opposition of film, as an all-encompassing ideology, to the objective interests of human beings, its entanglement with the status quo of the profit-system, its bad conscience and deception can be succinctly cognized. No appeal to a factually accessible state of consciousness would have the right of veto against the insight, which reaches beyond this state of consciousness, by disclosing its contradiction to itself and to objective relationships. It is possible, that the Fascist professor was right and that even the folk songs, as they were, lived from the degraded cultural heritage of the upper class. It is not for nothing that all popular art is crumbly and, like films, not “organic.” But between the old injustice, in whose voice a lament is still audible, even where it transfigures itself, and the alienation which upholds itself as connectedness, which cunningly creates the appearance [Schein] of human intimacy with loudspeakers and advertising psychology, there is a distinction similar to the one between the mother, who soothes the child who is afraid of demons with a fairy-tale in which the good are rewarded and the evil are punished, and the cinema product, which drives the justice of each world order into the eyes and ears of audiences of every land harshly, threateningly, in order to teach them anew, and more thoroughly, the old fear. The fairy-tale dreams which call so eagerly for the child in the adult, are nothing but regression, organized by total enlightenment, and where they tap the audience on the shoulder most intimately, they betray them most thoroughly. Immediacy, the community produced by films, is tantamount to the mediation without a remainder, which degrades human beings and everything human so completely to things, that their contrast to things, indeed even the bane [Bann] of reification itself, cannot be perceived anymore. Film has succeeded in transforming subjects into social functions so indiscriminately, that those who are entirely in its grasp, unaware of any conflicts, enjoy their own dehumanization as human, as the happiness of warmth. The total context of the culture industry, which leaves nothing out, is one with total social delusion. That is why it so easily dispatches counter-arguments.

132

Expensive reproduction. [Piperdruck] – Society is integral, before it ever becomes ruled as totalitarian. Its organization encompasses even those who feud against it, and normalizes their consciousness. Even intellectuals who have all the political arguments against bourgeois ideology handy, are subjected to a process of standardization which, whether in crassly contrasting content or through the readiness on their part to be comfortable, brings them closer to the prevailing Spirit [Geist], such that their standpoint objectively becomes always more arbitrary, dependent on flimsy preferences or their estimation of their own chances. What appears to them as subjectively radical, objectively belongs through and through to the compartment of a schema, reserved for them and their kind, so that radicalism is degraded to abstract prestige, the legitimation of those who know what today’s intellectuals should be for and against. The good things, for which they opt, have long since been acknowledged, their numbers accordingly limited, as fixed in the value-hierarchy as those in the student fraternities. While they denounce official kitsch, their sensibility is dependent, like obedient children, on nourishment already sought out in advance, on the cliches of hostility to cliches. The dwellings of young bohemians resemble their spiritual household. On the wall, deceptively original color prints of famous artists, such as Van Gogh’s Sunflowers or the Café at Arles, on the bookshelf derivative works on socialism and psychoanalysis and a little sex-research for the uninhibited with inhibitions. In addition, the Random House edition of Proust – Scott Moncrieff’s translation deserved a better fate – exclusivity at reduced prices, whose exterior alone, the compact-economic form of the omnibus, is a mockery of the author, whose every sentence knocks a received opinion out of action, while he now plays, as a prize-winning homosexual, the same role with youth as books on animals of the forest and the North Pole expedition in the German home. Also, the record player with the Lincoln cantata of a brave soul, which deals essentially with railroad stations, next to the obligatory eye-catching folklore from Oklahoma and a pair of brassy jazz records, which make one feel simultaneously collective, bold and comfortable. Every judgment is approved by friends, they know all the arguments in advance. That all cultural products, even the non-conformist ones, are incorporated into the mechanism of distribution of large-scale capital, that in the most developed lands a creation which does not bear the imprimatur of mass production can scarcely reach any readers, observers, or listeners, refuses the material in advance for the deviating longing. Even Kafka is turned into a piece of inventory in the rented apartment. Intellectuals themselves are already so firmly established, in their isolated spheres, in what is confirmed, that they can no longer desire anything which is not served to them under the brand of “highbrow” [in English in original]. Their sole ambition consists of finding their way in the accepted canon, of saying the right thing. The outsider status of the initiates is an illusion and mere waiting-time. It would be giving them too much credit to call them renegades; they wear overlarge horn-rimmed glasses on their mediocre faces, solely to better pass themselves off as “brilliant” to themselves and to others in the general competition. They are already exactly like them. The subjective precondition of opposition, the non-normalized judgment, goes extinct, while its trappings continue to be carried out as a group ritual. Stalin need only clear his throat, and they throw Kafka and Van Gogh on the trash-heap.

133

Contribution to intellectual history. – In the back of my copy of Zarathrustra, dated 1910, there are publisher’s notices. They are all tailored to that clan of Nietzsche readers, as imagined by Alfred Körner in Leipzig, someone who ought to know. “Ideal Life-goals by Adalbert Svoboda. Svoboda has ignited a brightly shining beacon in his works, which cast light on all problems of the investigative Spirit of human beings [Menschengeist] and reveal before our eyes the true ideals of reason, art and culture. This magnificently conceived and splendidly realized book is gripping from beginning to end, enchanting, stimulating, instructive and has the same effect on all truly free Spirits [Geister] as a nerve-steeling bath and fresh mountain air.” Signed: Humanity, and almost as recommendable as David Friedrich Strauss. “On Zarathrustra by Max Ernst. There are two Nietzsches. One is the world-famous fashionable philosopher, the dazzling poet and phenomenally gifted master of style, who is now the talk of all the world, from whose works a few misunderstood slogans have become the intellectual baggage of the educated. The other Nietzsche is the unfathomable, inexhaustible thinker and psychologist, the great discerner of human beings and valuer of life of unsurpassable spiritual energy and power of thought, to who the most distant future belongs. To bring this other Nietzsche to the most imaginative and serious-minded of contemporary human beings is the intent of the following two essays contained in this short book.” In that case I would still prefer the former. The other goes: “A Philosopher and a Noble Human Being, a Contribution to the Characteristics of Friedrich Nietzsche, by Meta von Salis-Marschlins. The book grabs out attention by the faithful reproduction of all the sensations which Nietzsche’s personality evoked in the self-conscious soul of a woman.” Don’t forget the whip, instructed Zarathrustra. Instead of this, is offered: “The Philosophy of Joy by Max Zerbst. Dr. Max Zerbst starts out from Nietzsche, but strives to overcome a certain one-sidedness in Nietzsche... The author is not given to cool abstractions, it is rather a hymn, a philosophical hymn to joy, which he delivers in spades.” Like a student spree. Only no one-sidedness. Better to run straight to the heaven of the atheists: “The Four Gospels, German, with introduction and commentary by Dr. Heinrich Schmidt. In contrast to the corrupted, heavily edited form, in which the gospels have been delivered to us as literature, this new edition goes back to the source and may be of high value not only for truly religious human beings, but also for those ‘anti-Christs’, who press for social action.” The choice is difficult, but one can take comfort from the fact that both elites will be as agreeable as the synopticists: “The Gospel of Modern Humanity (A Synthesis: Nietzsche and Christ) by Carl Martin. An astounding treatise of edification. Everything which is taken up in the science and art of the present has taken up the struggle with the Spirits [Geistern] of the past, all of this has taken root and blossomed , in this mature and yet so young mind [Gemüt]. And mark well: this ‘modern’, entirely new human being creates for itself and us the most revivifying potion from an age-old spring: that other message of redemption, whose purest sounds resonate in the Sermon on the Mount... Even in the form of the simplicity and grandeur of those words!” Signed: Ethical Culture. The miracle passed away nearly forty years ago, plus twenty more or so, since the genius in Nietzsche justifiably decided to break off communication with the world. It didn’t help – exhilarated, unbelieving priests and exponents of that organized ethical culture, which later drove formerly well-to-do ladies to emigrate and get by as waitresses in New York, have thrived on the posthumous legacy of someone who once worried whether someone was listening to him sing “a secret barcarole.” Even then, the hope of leaving behind a message in a bottle amidst the rising tide of barbarism was a friendly vision: the desperate letters have been left in the mud of the age-old spring, and have been reworked by a band of noble-minded people and other scoundrels to highly artistic but low-priced wall decorations. Only since then has the progress of communication truly gotten into gear. Who are we to cast aspersion on the freest spirits [Geister] of them all, whose trustworthiness possibly even outbids those of their contemporaries, if they no longer write for an imaginary posterity, but solely for the dead God?

Thursday, June 05, 2014

EGYPT, SYRIA, MILITARY, ETC.



EGYPT, SYRIA, MILITARY, ETC.





We have a couple of Latuff's cartoons this time.  The first one, above, came to me the day after our last edition when we published the latest information over Sisi's election in Egypt.  It remains the only virtue of Sisi that he at least not claim that God told him to do what he has been doing.  Other than that, he attacks journalists, his own citizens, etc.  Naturally, the U.S. likes him.  Saudi Arabia does not and he will not return the money they sent Egypt while the Moslem Brotherhood was running the show over there.  Hardly anyone showed up to vote, and Latuff makes the point.



The one above here is Latuff's impression of the vote in Syria.  Obviously, he feels that the election was not entirely democratic.  Still, most of his enemies are either U.S. supported or religious fanatics.  Christians are especially terrified of these enemies as well as most sane Moslems.  Still, Latuff at least speaks his mind and actually has a mind to speak of.

 

Around here, things are getting even more absurd than usual, especially concerning the military, and not because the military is a force for evil, either.  Both the VA idiocy and the recent crap about a POW exchange has made most people in the mainstream media, not to mention the lunatic right, transparently subhuman, an argument for post-term abortion.  (I realize that most of them will not even get that last clause.  No matter.)

There are gloating idiocies coming from the right about the fact that the POW's home town has cancelled his welcome back.  The reason, of course, in that the town only has a population of 8,000, is in Idaho, the county is larger that a few eastern states and has a population of 22,000, and the place is simply not equipped to handle the influx of media and morons that such a celebration would cause.  They simply do not have enough electricity, for example, let alone police.

First, some important information about the POW himself.  Our administration was told during negotiations that if word leaked about the impending exchange, the POW would be executed before being released.  I would not trust our Congress to keep that secret for the 30 days they are complaining about, so Diane Feinstein is an even bigger liar than we first thought.

Second, the guy himself was hardly a deserter or a "coward," but more about cowardice later.  There is no point educating these right wingers about military justice as they should at least know that much, but they will not know.  To paraphrase, there are none so ignorant as those who *will* not know.

One of this group, now on the House Intelligence Committee thinks we need a President like Benjamin Franklin again.  Right. 

Third, the cowardice of these people is overwhelming.  The argument against letting these "prisoners" go to Qutar is that they might attack us.  I'm not afraid of them.  Why are they?  And weren't they kidnapped by us in the first place?

Forget the numbers now:  the VA is next.  It does not matter how many people the right wing manage to get fired over this.  The real criminals in the lack of treatment for veterans are those people who manufactured so many veterans in the first place by sending people to Afghanistan, Iraq, and other places without providing adequate funding for their health care when they got back.  Does anyone remember the families holding bake sales to send equipment to the sons in Iraq?

Well, another of these people wants to pass a bill providing that any woman who gets an abortion after being raped should get the same sentence as her rapist.  I am not making this up.

At any rate, here are a couple of interviews of the military subject:


THURSDAY, JUNE 5, 2014

Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl’s Idaho Hometown Cancels "Welcome Home" Celebration as Backlash Grows

The backlash over the prisoner swap involving U.S. soldier Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl and five members of the Taliban continues to grow. In Bergdahl’s hometown of Hailey, Idaho, community members have a canceled a celebration of his release over public safety concerns. In recent days, angry phone calls and emails poured into Hailey city hall and local organizations over the town’s support for the soldier. Bergdahl was captured by the Taliban in 2009 shortly after he left his military outpost in Afghanistan. Some of Bergdahl’s fellow soldiers have described him as a deserter. They have also said at least six soldiers died while searching for him, a claim the Pentagon rejects. We discuss the Bergdahl controversy and its local impact in Idaho with Larry Schoen, a county commissioner in Blaine County.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: The backlash continues to grow over the prisoner swap involving U.S. soldier Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl and five members of the Taliban. In Bergdahl’s hometown of Hailey, Idaho, community members have canceled a celebration of his release over public safety concerns. In recent days, angry phone calls and e-mails poured into Hailey City Hall and local organizations over the town support for the soldier. Bergdahl was captured by the Taliban in 2009 shortly after he left his military outpost in Afghanistan. He was held by the Taliban or five years. Some of Bergdahl’s fellow soldiers have described him as a deserter. They’ve also claimed at least six soldiers died while searching for him. On Wednesday, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel rejected that claim.
CHUCK HAGEL: On Sergeant Bergdahl, I do not know of specific circumstances or details of U.S. soldiers dying as a result of efforts to find and rescue Sergeant Bergdahl. I am not aware of those specific details or any facts regarding that issue.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: On Capitol Hill, four top intelligence and military officials held an unusual closed-door briefing for the entire Senate on Wednesday to discuss why the White House decided to move ahead with the prisoner swap without notifying Congress. Senators were shown a recent video of Bowe Bergdahl depicting him in declining health. Meanwhile, Republican Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina warned that Republican lawmakers would call for Obama’s impeachment if you release more prisoners from Guantánamo Bay without congressional approval.
AMY GOODMAN: In another development, The Wall Street Journal reports that during the prisoner exchange negotiations, the Taliban warned that U.S. drone strikes had come close on several occasions to killing Sergeant Bergdahl while he was in captivity. To talk more about the story, we first go to Idaho where we’re joined by Larry Schoen, he’s the County Commissioner for Blaine County, Idaho. Hailey is one of the five cities in Blaine County. Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you talk first about, first, Larry, the decision to cancel the celebrations upon the return of Bowe Bergdahl, though we don’t know when that will be?
LARRY SCHOEN: Well, first thing, good morning, and thank you for having me. And I speak very mindful of all of those who have given so much in service of the best intentions of the mission in Afghanistan. I was not in on the decision-making to cancel the event. But I think there were concerns about — that the event would become too large for local officials to manage. I think some people have felt the temperature rising here as disagreements about what may have happened have come to the floor on the national stage. Really, I think nobody here wants to channel some of the nastiness that is out there. People are rushing to judgment, and I think that is inappropriate. And I think in light of circumstances today, the decision was made to cancel the event several weeks ahead of it to tamp that down.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And Larry Schoen, can you tell us something about your corner of the country where Bowe Bergdahl grew up?
LARRY SCHOEN: Well, this is a beautiful part of the country. Idaho is a state with more wilderness than any state in the lower 48. People come here to recreate and be part of the great outdoors. Our community is small. It is about 22,000, but made up of people who have come to live here and visit here from all over the world. It is home to the Sun Valley resort, which was America’s first ski resort founded back in the 1930’s. And so it is a very close-knit community, well-educated community. People support one another in tough times. And I think that was the nature of this event, is to show support for the Bergdahl family and Sergeant Bergdahl who has been held by the Taliban for five years.
AMY GOODMAN: Larry Schoen, yours is in an usual community in that you have the great wealth of the celebrities like Bruce Willis and Demi Moore, their home there — though they are divorced, but what they have there. And then you have got working-class people. You’ve got for example, you the Bergdahls who moved from California, Calvinist, homeschooled their kids both Bowe and his older sister Skye. He worked at the Zany’s coffee shop. Can you tell us a little bit about that as a community center? And actually was was well-known for his ballet performances, Bowe Bergdahl was.
LARRY SCHOEN: Right, well, people focus on the celebrity aspects of this community because people have been coming here from Southern California since the 1930’s. In fact, that was part of the marketing of this resort when it first opened. But this is a working-class community. The Zaney’s is a coffee shop owned by an old friend of mine who opened it because that’s what — she loves being with people. She loves serving people. It is a place where Bowe worked and therefore has become kind of the Mecca in town. Our county is bigger than the state of Delaware with only 22,000 people. People tend to congregate in the towns, but the Bergdahls, like I, live out in the rural parts of the county. That has been a gathering place. I think that is appropriate. I think people have tried to show their support over the course of these five years. Needed a place to do that, and Zaney’s was a good place. The job that he held there was one of the many things this young man has done in his short life.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And how has the uproar in Washington and across the media, now nationwide, over whether Bowe Bergdahl was a deserter and should have been rescued — how has that affected the town and its support for the family?
LARRY SCHOEN: I think it has, I think it’s shaking the town because I think, first and foremost and certainly I as an elected official here, think about the family and the family and their son, our native son, and what they need to get through this ordeal. The whole five years of captivity and now this ordeal in the national press, the global press. So, we are thinking first about them. And this is — from our perspective, this is not, first and foremost, about national and military policy and U.S. foreign policy, but certainly, the issues surrounding his release — this is a very complex story. There are ties to U.S. foreign policy coming out of this really hometown story about this young man. So, I think people are shaken by that. I think people are trying to not rush to judgment here locally. I think everybody knows what is right and what is wrong, and many of the different actions that have occurred. So, we have many different components to the story. There is the question of what was his state of mind when he left his base and went missing, was it appropriate for the U.S. government to release these five Taliban under the circumstances? There are many different parts of that story. We are feeling the effects of the global story, but trying to focus, I think, on the health and welfare of the Bergdahl family.
AMY GOODMAN: And Larry Schoen, you know Bowe’s parents Bob and Jani Bergdahl. Can you tell us a little about them?
LARRY SCHOEN: They are wonderful people. It is a loving family. They are loving people. I am sure they instilled in their son the best values that America has to offer. And I support them 100% through all of this.
AMY GOODMAN: Bob Bergdahl worked at, what, UPS for some — well, close to three decades.
LARRY SCHOEN: Yeah, I don’t really know how long he work for UPS, but he is well-known in town. He’s been criticized for having spoken local Afghanistan language, the Pashtun. And now he’s been criticized for a number of different things because people are just searching for things to criticize in this event. But really, Bob is a very thoughtful man. I think he — and he expressed publicly any times that his goals and intentions were to stand in solidarity with his son, and to try as best he could and as best they could to appreciate and understand his circumstances and the circumstances of his comrades in Afghanistan. I think the Bergdahls have acted with only the best intentions toward their son and this country.
AMY GOODMAN: Larry Schoen, I want to thank you for being with us, County Commissioner for Blaine County, Idaho. Hailey is one of the five cities in Blaine County. The Bergdahls live just outside Hailey b and Bowe grew up just outside Hailey and worked at this well known watering hole, Zaney’s coffee shop, which is why he was very well known in the community. This is Democracy Now! When we come back, we’re going to speak to a soldier who served years in the military. He was in Afghanistan at the same time as Bowe Bergdahl. And when he came back to the United States, he applied for conscientious objector status. Stay with us.

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THURSDAY, JUNE 5, 2014

Veteran: Politicians Using Freed POW Bowe Bergdahl as "Chess Piece to Win Political Matches"

The Obama administration is seeking to contain a congressional backlash over a prisoner exchange that saw the release of American soldier Bowe Bergdahl for five Taliban leaders. On Wednesday, top intelligence and military officials held a closed-door briefing for the entire Senate showing them a recent video of Bergdahl in declining health. The administration says the video helped spur action to win his release over fears his life was in danger. Opponents of the deal say the White House failed to give Congress proper notice, and may have endangered American lives by encouraging the capture of U.S. soldiers. The criticism has exploded as news spread through right-wing media that Bergdahl may have left his base after turning against the war. We are joined by Brock McIntosh, a member of Iraq Veterans Against the War who served in Afghanistan from November 2008 to August 2009. McIntosh applied for conscientious objector status and was discharged last month.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: As this controversy brews, it’s on so many different levels. You’ve got the controversial prisoner swap and the whole issue of is this leading to the closing of Guantánamo, and then you’ve got Bowe Bergdahl leaving the base, not really fully understood at this point because we have not talked to Bowe Bergdahl. And once he left the base, he was not spoken to again except through Taliban videos of him. The question is being raised, did he desert? The question is being raised and he’s being condemned in the mainstream media for his antiwar views.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, we’re going to talk more about the Bowe Bergdahl story. We go now to Brock McIntosh in Washington, D.C. He fought with Army National Guard in Afghanistan from November 2008 to August 2009. And was based near where Bergdahl was captured. McIntosh had later applied for conscientious objector status and joined Iraq veterans against the war. Brock McIntosh, welcome back toDemocracy Now!
BROCK MCINTOSH: Thanks for having me.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Your initial reaction to the uproar in Congress and around the country over the prisoner swap with Bowe Bergdahl?
BROCK MCINTOSH: You just played a song called "Masters of War" and there’s a lyric where it talks about you to hide behind walls, you that hide behind desks, I just wanted to know I can see through your masks. And I think that that is a perfect description of what we’re seeing in Congress right now. These people who hide behind walls and hide behind desks, and are using a POW as a chess piece to win political matches. And that last week, used a wounded veteran with nearly 40 years of military service, General Shinseki, as a political chess piece. And so, I think it is outrageous we know nothing about the actual circumstances of why exactly Sergeant Bergdahl left. We don’t know what his intentions were. It is all speculation at this point. All we know for sure is that he was a POW and he should have been welcomed home.
AMY GOODMAN: And Brock, tell us where you were in Afghanistan in relation to Bowe Bergdahl. You served at the same time, though didn’t know each other.
BROCK MCINTOSH: Sure Amy. I served in Paktika Province initially for six months. That’s where Bowe Bergdahl went missing for six months. Spent the last three months in Khost Province. Those last three months were when Bowe Bergdahl went missing. He went missing in June 30, and I left Afghanistan in August 2009.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And in terms of this whole — the allegations that in the search for Bergdahl, all of these soldiers, several American soldiers were lost or killed. The — only The New York Times, among the commercial media, has really raised the issue that many of these soldiers are being brought out by Republican political operative and made available to the various media. Your — what you understand about these other soldiers who were killed around the same time while Bergdahl was in captivity?
BROCK MCINTOSH: Right, so I think the story that is being told in the media makes it seem as though there was a unit that received — that was briefed about some rescue mission and they went out on this rescue mission to locate and extract Sergeant Bergdahl and six people died in the process. That is really not the case. Bergdahl went missing on June 30. Those six soldiers that died died two months later in four separate missions. And it is not clear to what extent those missions had anything to do with searching for Bergdahl. They certainly were not rescue missions. I mean one of them — one of those deaths involved an American soldier being killed supporting an Afghan national security force mission. That is not a rescue mission. We don’t know why exactly the six soldiers died. There’s all sorts of things that could explain it. Let’s not forget that summer season is fighting season in Afghanistan. It could have been that they died in late August and early September because it was late in the summer, and it was right before the winter, and attacks always ramp up at that time of year. It could also be explained by the fact that in 2009, the Obama administration initiated this protracted insurgency campaign and a surge in Afghanistan. So, there are all sorts of things that could explain why the soldiers died. And I think it is unfair to assert that Bergdahl went missing and therefore these soldiers died. And another thing also, in Bergdahl’s unit, they had gone a few months without any fatalities. The first fatality was five days before Bergdahl went missing. So, it could have just been that he happened to have gone missing at a time when there were increased attacks and people were being killed. What’s unfortunate is that he is being used, again, as a political chess piece in a political game and conservatives are using the allegations of soldiers in his unit to imply that this man wasn’t a hero and therefore, President Obama is not a hero for bringing this soldier home.
AMY GOODMAN: Looking at Buzzfeed describing who Juan was just talking about, this former Bush administration official, hired then resigned, Mitt Romney foreign policy spokesperson, played a key role in publicizing critics of Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl. The involvement of Richard Grenell who once served as a key aide to Bush, to — rather to the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. ,John Bolton, later worked on Romney’s campaign. I wanted to go back, though, to 2009, to the soldiers who Bowe Bergdahl worked with in that tiny outpost that they built in Afghanistan. We had Sean Smith on a few days ago, a Guardian videographer and photographer who produced a film back in 2009 as well as one when he went to Idaho and met Bowe’s father, Bob Bergdahl, which we also played and I encourage people to go to democracynow.org to see all of that. Sean Smith spent a month embedded with Bowe Bergdahl’s unit in Afghanistan. In this clip, we hear from some of the soldiers stationed with Bowe.
SOLDIER ONE: These people just want to be left alone.
SOLDIER TWO: Yeah, they got dicked with from the Russians for 17 years and then now we’re here.
SOLDIER ONE: Same thing in Iraq when I was there. These people just want to be left alone. Have their crops, weddings, stuff like that, that’s it man.
SOLDIER TWO: I’m glad they leave them alone.
SEAN SMITH: A few weeks later, Bowe Bergdahl, pictured in this photo, disappeared. The circumstances are unclear.
AMY GOODMAN: That is from the 2009 video for The Guardian produced by Sean Smith. Michael Hastings would further right about that, the late reporter for Rolling Stone. Brock McIntosh, can you talk about your feelings when you were in Afghanistan, what was happening there? We have seen the e-mails that Michael Hastings wrote about in Rolling Stone of Bowe to his parents, talking about his disillusionment with the war. What were your thoughts and the thoughts of other soldiers? Sean Smith, a reporter for The Guardian, said it was not unusual, more so among Americans and British soldiers in Afghanistan, to be highly critical of what was happening.
BROCK MCINTOSH: It is really hard — it was really hard to hear that clip, Amy, because it reminded me so much of the conversations that I had while I was in Afghanistan. There was so much talk about — within my unit about these Afghan people and how they just want to be left alone. And we were all aware of the role the U.S. played during the Cold War. Using the Afghan people as a proxy to get back at the Soviet Union, using the lives of Afghans as political chess pieces and gamesmanship? And so to then be in Afghanistan to help people, to help the Afghan people felt very disingenuous. We never had any clear sense exactly why we were there, what it was that we were supposed to be doing, why these people are shooting at us, who was shooting at us. Who are we shooting at? Why are we shooting at them? And it really eats away at you and it becomes a situation where all you want to do is you just want to come home and want your buddies on your left and your right to come home. And it’s — what are you supposed to do in a situation where you find yourself — you find yourself in a conflict that you don’t agree with, where people are dying on both sides? What are you supposed to do? What recourse do you have? I did not know that the conscientious objector process existed. That’s one recourse you can take. But I didn’t know that that existed. There’s an overwhelming lack of awareness that there’s a formal process where you, when you have a conscientious shift, you can actually leave the military.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And even your commanders at times are not aware of these options. Could you talk about that confronting your own commander — or your sense that you wanted to go into conscientious objector status?
BROCK MCINTOSH: Right. When I initially applied, it through my commander off guard. I actually applied on the very first day in my new unit, and so my commander was thrown off guard both because it was my first day meeting him and also because he didn’t think that that process was possible. You can’t just leave because you morally disagree with war. But it turns out you can. And to his credit, he read about the regulations and he actually drafted a document that we signed together saying I did not have to study, use or bear arms.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, what did that mean? Where were you, Brock?
BROCK MCINTOSH: Well, I had applied actually after about a year or so after I had come home. And I transferred from an Illinois National Guard unit to a D.C. state unit, and that is when I applied.
AMY GOODMAN: And what was that process you went through? You started serving in, what, November 2008, you were in Afghanistan ’til August 2009.
BROCK MCINTOSH: I started serving in November, August 2008. Like so many soldiers, I wanted nothing more but to just make this war work and to help the Afghan people. And again, it became increasingly frustrated when you did not know why you were there and you didn’t why these people were shooting at you or who you were supposed to be — or why you were shooting and who you were shooting. I wanted to make the war work. And so, in that process of trying to make the war work, I started reading about the history and culture of Afghanistan, just like Bowe’s father did. And like Bowe, it became really discomforting to learn about the relationship that the U.S. has had with that country for the past 30 years and all the problems it has created for the past 30 years. And there were certain first-hand experience I had — experiences I had that were unnerving, like seeing a 16-year-old bomb maker get blown up. He came to our base to be treated. And we took turns babysitting his body in one hour shifts. And when I was alone with him in this room, thinking how crazy it is that me as a 20 world and the 16-year-old are being sent to kill each other by these adult for these ideologies that we don’t quite understand. It’s just a sad situation.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: According to Rolling Stone magazine Bergdahl sent a final e-mail to his parents on June 27, three days before he was captured. He wrote, "The future is too good to waste on lies... And life is way to short to care for the damnation of others as well as to spend it helping fools with their ideas that are wrong. I’ve seen their ideas and I’m ashamed to even be American. The horror of the self-righteous arrogance that they thrive in. Is is all revolting. I am sorry for everything here... These people need help, yet what they get is the conceited country in the world telling them that they are nothing and that they are stupid, that they have no idea how to live. The horror that is America is disgusting." In that email, he also referred to seeing an Afghan child run over by U.S. military vehicle. Your reaction to some of those words?
BROCK MCINTOSH: I want to react to one thing — to one aspect of that statement, and that was about lies. We were lied — we as veterans were lied to about the Iraq war. We were lied to by the Bush administration and with the endorsement of Congress, we went into Iraq. Nearly 5000 American soldiers were killed, well over 100,000 Iraqi civilians were killed, based on that line. There has been a lot of talk over the last few months about a lie that was told that the Phoenix VA Hospital about these secret waiting lists. I find it really ironic that Congress is so obsessed about figuring out who lied at the Phoenix VA Hospital and the circumstances of that lie that are connected to the deaths of 40 veterans, when a lie that they told killed nearly 5000 American soldiers and over 100,000 Iraqi civilians. And what they’re doing is they’re trying to defer blame from themselves. Congress is the reason that we have waiting lists. ’Congress is the reason that we deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan and deployed over 2 million veterans and have this influx of veterans that are fighting to get V.A. health care.
AMY GOODMAN: You know, it is interesting you raise this, Brock, because last week at this time, everyone nonstop across all of the media was talking about whether General Shinseki would resign and about the horror of the V.A., the waits that people have when they come home from war, one to two years. And within two days, then that is all wiped off of the face of the media and this is the controversy that takes its place. But you see these as connected.
BROCK MCINTOSH: Well, I’m not sure if they’re connected. It could be that this happened at a time when the Obama administration anticipated General Shinseki stepping down. I don’t know, but I see a connection in Congress’ willingness to exploit other people’s service for political gamesmanship. Last week, they scapegoated General Shinseki, a wounded veteran who served for nearly 40 years, they scapegoated him to defer blame from themselves and the role that they played in creating these wait lists and failing to prepare for the cost of veterans coming home. When we went to Iraq and we went to Afghanistan, they did not set aside the necessary funds that would be required to care for our veterans to come home and to make the systematic changes that would need to be made. So the Congress played a huge role in creating those wait lists and the problems that the V.A. is facing and they scapegoated a veteran last week. And this week, they’re now taking advantage of a POW and using him for political games and it is pretty sick and pretty disgusting and it’s pretty shameful.
AMY GOODMAN: Brock, finally, did you ever get conscientious objector status?
BROCK MCINTOSH: I did not get conscientious objector status. You know, the process for reserve soldiers, it’s supposed to take about six months, three months for active soldiers. But, the process is always — there are always obstacles and barriers in the process. You always have to butt has with officers. They lose your paperwork. You really need to have legal assistance in order to get c.o. status because the process is so difficult. If more veterans were aware, more soldiers were where aware that c.o. process exists and if there were reforms made to the c.o. process, we may not have had a situation where a soldier had a conscientious change of heart and left his post because he didn’t realize that there were formal recourses of actions that he could have taken. Not saying that that’s the reason why Sergeant Bergdahl left, we don’t know. But, the point is, I think we could avoid potential situations like this if we reform the c.o. process and if more soldiers are made aware that that process exists.
AMY GOODMAN: Brock McIntosh we want to thank you so much for being with us. A soldier served in Afghanistan in 2008 and 2009, applied for conscientious objector status and was discharged in May of 2014. He’s a member of Iraq Veterans Against the war.

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