This is a very confusing and irritating time for almost everybody except major corporations.
To understand what is going on requires an understanding of Macroeconomics. Unfortunately, the only people who think they understand that are Micro-Economists who do not know anything about reality, history, psychology, or any other discipline. They are happiest with their computer programs and formulae and do not want to be bothered with such irrelevant concerns as humanity or the like.
We have already posted enough information on the subject.
You can go to the main site at
http://www.absurdtimes.blogspot.com and search for Stiglitz, Krugman, Klein, or Nobel Prize, etc. and find all you need there.
Wikipedia also covers it fairly well.
So, to avoid repetition, here are a few bits of interest. The first is from our past illustrator, the second are some profound sayings by Abert Camus [KA-MOO]. Finally, a discussion on the coup of our government made official in the name of corporate interests and a further victory against the wisdom of the FDR administration. The discussion features a near neighbor of mine whom I’ve never met, so close, in fact, that I could probably drive to his house in fifteen minutes and yet, not once, ever, has he invited me to dinner. This is really a thankless undertaking. You can visit him at Michael-Hudson.com.
A few things worth noting: the entire debt limit discussion had to do with paying bills for things we already did. Nothing in it raised taxes from corporations or the very rich. Finally, Joe Biden said that Obama was prepared to use the 14th Amendment if nothing else worked. This last is enough to abandon him.
I will comment as we go along, trying to use a different font.
So, our illustrator sent the following:
Hi, I just got another call from the DNC- this time a genteel sounding
woman - We want to thank you for your support and let me just tell you
quickly what is going on now.- I interrupted to say- I am not
supporting the Democratic party anymore - (Oh!)- You are all a bunch
of corporate whores. The only difference is the Republicans are
expensive call girls and you are cheap street walkers. Oh, well have a
nice day, she says. I say- I hope you got all that down, (click on her
end). I don't think so. Must be a new category for them.
If you want to put this out there for me, maybe they will stop wasting
money calling me- but I doubt it.
After that, I had sent out the song rendition of DILLIGAF by Michael “Bloody” Wilson and got this in return:
And then:
Here's what I see; Obama caved before so the Reptiles know he will
always cave if they stonewall long enough and spout their absurdist
philosophy with Fux news and Rush Limbo backing them. So I think Obama
will lose and lose big on re-election. So the only small hope is if
congress goes Demogogic and they play the stonewall game on whoever is
the Reptile Prez- which means 4 more years of inactivity. But you can
bet the Rep will be more forceful and do the interum decision thing
and every little nuance Obama was too good to do. Obama used to say
it's not about me, it's about you. But after election it all became
about him and nothing about me. So really, what's the good of 4 more
years of him? Let the shit hit the fan and maybe these imbecile voters
will wake up. Only it may be too late and what choice will they have
anyway? It's a lose, lose proposition. But I can't say I don't give a
fuck about it.
At first, these seems contradictory, but they are not. The common thread is that there is an enormous disappointment and anger with our politicians. To quote one of these politicians, a D senator from Florida, “The politicians won and American lost.” This pretty much sums up the country’s opinion of the whole mess. Or, to quote another famous American patriot, Willie Nelson, “Americans are worried about the roof over their heads, not the ceiling on the debt.”
By the time this issue is over, we have had it with taking these jokers seriously. After all, they only run our lives accourding to the wishes of large corporations.
The following are a number of thoughts I have often had myself, but I was surprised to have them sent to me by one of you and that they had already been written. I realize that just about every thought has been uttered already, but it is amazing to seem them all at once:
An intellectual is someone whose mind watches itself.
--Albert Camus
Nobody realizes that some people expend tremendous amounts of energy merely to be normal.
--Albert Camus
Politics and the fate of mankind are formed by men without ideals and without greatness. Those who have greatness within them do not go in for politics.
--Albert Camus
He who despairs over an event is a coward, but he who holds hopes for the human condition is a fool.
--Albert Camus
Those who lack the courage will always find a philosophy to justify it.
--Albert Camus
The evil that is in the world almost always comes of ignorance, and good intentions may do as much harm as malevolence if they lack understanding.
--Albert Camus
When a war breaks out, people say: "It's too stupid, it can't last long." But though a war may be "too stupid," that doesn't prevent its lasting.
--Albert Camus
The absurd has meaning only in so far as it is not agreed to.
--Albert Camus
It is normal to give away a little of one's life in order not to lose it all.
--Albert Camus
The welfare of the people in particular has always been the alibi of tyrants.
--Albert Camus
It is the job of thinking people not to be on the side of the executioners.
--Albert Camus
Human relationships always help us to carry on because they always presuppose further developments, a future--and also because we live as if our only task was precisely to have relationships with other people.
--Albert Camus
We always deceive ourselves twice about the people we love--first to their advantage, then to their disadvantage.
--Albert Camus
The absurd is the essential concept and the first truth.
--Albert Camus
Freedom is nothing else but the chance to do better.
--Albert Camus
At any street corner the feeling of absurdity can strike any man in the face.
--Albert Camus
If there is a sin against life, it consists perhaps not so much in despairing of life as in hoping for another life and in eluding the implacable grandeur of this life.
--Albert Camus
We used to wonder where war lived, what it was that made it so vile. And now we realize that we know where it lives...inside ourselves.
--Albert Camus
And here is/are the final word(s) on the subject:
After Months of Partisan Wrangling, Wall Street & Pentagon Emerge Victorious on Debt Deal
After months of a bitterly partisan stalemate, the U.S. House of Representatives has voted 269 to 161 in favor of raising the federal borrowing limit and avoiding a default on the
national debt. The final count showed 174 Republican ayes, with Democrats split evenly—95 on each side. The vote came just hours before a Department of Treasury deadline that potentially would have seen the United States run out of cash and default for the first time in its history. The bill is expected to be approved by the Senate and signed into law by
President Obama today. The deal includes no new tax revenue from wealthy Americans, provides no additional stimulus for the lagging economy, and will cut more than $2.1 trillion in government spending over 10 years, while extending the borrowing authority of the Treasury Department.
The debt deal was a victory of sorts for the Pentagon. Rather than cutting $400 billion in defense spending through 2023, as President
Barack Obama had proposed in April, it trims just $350 billion through 2024, effectively giving the Pentagon $50 billion more than it had been expecting over the next decade. We speak with William Hartung, director of the Arms and Security Project at the Center for International Policy, and Michael Hudson, professor of economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City. [includes rush transcript]
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Guests:
William Hartung, director of the Arms and Security Project at the Center for International Policy. He is the author of the book
Prophets of War: Lockheed Martin and the Making of the Military-Industrial Complex.
Michael Hudson, president of the Institute for the Study of Long-Term Economic Trends, Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City, and author of
Super Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire.
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AMY GOODMAN: After months of a bitterly partisan stalemate, the U.S. House of Representatives has voted in favor of raising the federal borrowing limit and avoiding a default on the
national debt. The final count showed 174 Republican ayes and 66 Republican nays, with Democrats split evenly, 95 on each side. The vote came just hours before a Treasury deadline that potentially would have seen the U.S. run out of cash and default for the first time in its history. The bill is expected to be approved by the Senate and signed into law by
President Obama today.
The deal includes no new tax revenue from wealthy Americans and will provide no additional stimulus for the lagging economy. It will cut more than $2.1 trillion in government spending over 10 years while extending the borrowing authority of the Treasury Department. The deal will also create a new joint
congressional committee to recommend broad changes in spending to reduce the deficit.
The compromise deeply angered right-wing Republicans and progressive Democrats alike. Republicans were upset the bill did not further curtail government spending. Meanwhile, both the Progressive Caucus and the Black Caucus rejected the deal for placing the burden of deficit reduction on poor people. Democratic Congress Member Jim McGovern of Massachusetts said, quote, "I did not come to Washington to force more people into poverty." Congressional Black Caucus chair
Emanuel Cleaver blasted the final debt deal on his Twitter account, writing, quote, "This deal is a sugar-coated Satan sandwich. If you lift the bun, you will not like what you see."
Several other senators said they were struggling with how to vote but suggested if it became a matter of their yes vote or default, they would back the measure. The White House dispatched Vice President Biden to lobby congressional liberals, and House Minority Leader
Nancy Pelosi also urged her colleagues to come off the fence.
REP. NANCY PELOSI: It’s hard to believe that we are putting our best foot forward with the legislation that comes before us today. I’m not happy with it, but I’m proud of some of the accomplishments contained in it, and that’s why I am voting for it. Please think of what could happen if we defaulted. Please, please, please come down in favor of, again, preventing the collateral damage from reaching our seniors and our veterans.
AMY GOODMAN: Enough Democrats and Republicans reluctantly joined forces to see the proposed legislation through by a vote of 269 to 161 last night.
In a stunning emotional moment during the extended roll call, Democratic Congress Member
Gabrielle Giffords of Arizona received a standing ovation as she voted yes on the bill, her first vote since a near-fatal shooting in Tucson, Arizona, in January.
REP. NANCY PELOSI: Her presence here in the chamber, as well as her service throughout her entire service in Congress, brings honor to this chamber. We are all privileged to call her colleague, some of us very privileged to call her friend. Throughout America, there isn’t a name that stirs more love, more admiration, more respect, more wishing for our daughters to be like her, than name of Congresswoman Gabby Giffords. Thank you, Gabby, for joining us today.
AMY GOODMAN: Congress Member
Gabrielle Giffords was among the 95 Democrats who voted for the bill.
White House spokesman Jay Carney called the deal "a victory for the American people."
The debt deal was also a victory of sorts for the Pentagon. Rather than cutting $400 billion in defense spending through 2023, as President Barack Obama had proposed in April, the current debt proposal trims only $350 billion through 2024, effectively giving the Pentagon $50 billion more than it had expected over the next decade. Speaker
John Boehner had met earlier with the House Armed Services Committee to assuage alarm about the potential spending cuts from the Pentagon.
For more, we’re joined in studio by William Hartung, director of the Arms and Security Initiative at the New America Foundation, author of
Prophets of War: Lockheed Martin and the Making of the Military-Industrial Complex.
We’re also joined by Michael Hudson, president of the Institute for the Study of Long-Term Economic Trends, Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City, author of
Super Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire.
We welcome you both to
Democracy Now! Michael Hudson, what about this vote? What does it mean?
MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, it’s an anti-stimulus package, primarily. The feeling among the Democrats that I’ve spoken to, I’ve never seen them so depressed. And what depresses them so much is that the irony is it could probably only be passed under a Democratic administration. Yves Smith has called it a "Nixon goes to China moment in reverse." And that’s because only a Republican could have made an opening to a communist country and not be accused of communism. Only a Democratic president could have drawn along a Democratic Congress in supporting a law that is going to essentially ad tax deflation to the debt deflation we already have in the economy.
AMY GOODMAN: What does that mean, "tax deflation to the debt deflation"?
MICHAEL HUDSON: That means that the government is going to be sucking money out of the economy. Normally, government is supposed to provide the economy with money, provide it with purchasing power. By government running a deficit, this is what, traditionally, for 5,000 years, in every country, has supplied money. And now the government isn’t going to do it. There’s a kind of junk economic belief that governments shouldn’t run a deficit, and yet it’s by running a deficit that an economy expands. That’s what injects the purchasing power in it. That’s why a few years ago Mr. Obama had the $700 billion stimulus package. The idea was government spending will stimulate employment and make it more than it otherwise would have been, and you stop the unemployment.
Right now, the economy is shrinking. It needs some kind of spending to overcome the shrinking. And since the government can’t supply the credit, that means that the economy is going to have to rely on commercial banks. And they’re going to charge interest. And it means that all of the growth that does occur in the economy is basically going to be paid to Wall Street, not to the people who produce the wealth, not to industry or its employees. The economy is going to shrink. Industrial corporations will shrink. Real estate will shrink. And the government isn’t doing anything to prevent this shrinkage into a deeper and deeper recession.
AMY GOODMAN: So, why did Obama go this route? What were his alternatives?
MICHAEL HUDSON: He had many—
AMY GOODMAN: And what about the relationship that was touted between Obama and
Boehner, ultimately people saying it was the Tea Party that broke with Boehner, and so he just couldn’t follow through for Obama?
MICHAEL HUDSON: It wasn’t the Tea Party. Suppose that a Republican were president, or
George Bush. If George Bush would have been president, or another Republican, McCain, and would have proposed this, you would have had the whole Democratic Congress voting against it. And you would have a lot of progressive Republicans voting against it. They’re not going to vote against a Democratic president. And in fact, that’s why it was called a "Nixon goes to China in reverse." Only a Democrat could have imposed so deflationary, so negative, regressive a policy. And that’s why the Democrats felt so frustrated when they were split, as you pointed out, 95 to 95. They felt that they had to support the government.
The reason that they’re disappointed is there were many alternatives. All last week, while all of this fight was building up, you didn’t have a squiggle in the bond market. Wall Street was not at all worried that there was going to be any problem at all. So, as far as the real monetary economy is concerned, there wasn’t a problem. Obama could have invoked the 14th Amendment, saying that the government is going to always pay the debts, it can’t be questioned. He could have issued a $1 trillion platinum coin, worth maybe $50, to the Federal Reserve and retired the
government debt. There were all sorts of technicalities that he could have done. He didn’t do any of them. And that’s because, as he explained to the people last week in his speech, he really believes in running a budget surplus. He believes that that’s good for the economy. And that’s the tragedy of all this, that it’s not good.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to turn to Obama. Unveiling the deal on Sunday night, he said the agreement was borne out of a need to compromise.
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: Now, is this the deal I would have preferred? No. I believe that we could have made the tough choices required, on entitlement reform and tax reform, right now, rather than through a special
congressional committee process. But this compromise does make a serious down payment on the deficit reduction we need and gives each party a strong incentive to get a balanced plan done before the end of the year. Most importantly, it will allow us to avoid default and end the crisis that Washington imposed on the rest of America.
AMY GOODMAN: Your assessment of what President Obama said and how this could have been averted? I mean, there was a person, a journalist at a press conference in December, when he went along with the
Bush tax cuts for the wealthy, saying, why didn’t you attach this, a guarantee of a debt ceiling, if you were going to do that at the time? And Obama said he wasn’t afraid.
MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, the real question is the reverse. How did these tax issues get attached to a debt ceiling issue? Since 1963, the debt ceiling has been raised every eight months, on the average. It’s just automatically been raised. Nobody in any of these 83 times has ever tried to attach a policy rider to the debt ceiling. It’s always been like an accountant just signing off on everything. This is the first time that a debt ceiling has ever been linked to
tax policy. That’s never been done before. So there didn’t have to be a compromise. Mr. Obama could have simply said, "Tax policy is tax policy. If you want to argue over that, spend a year in doing that. But a debt ceiling is something all by itself."
AMY GOODMAN: But clearly, people already saw that this might be an issue, because the Tea Party Republican activists were already talking about it.
MICHAEL HUDSON: Yeah. I think that Mr. Obama actually didn’t anticipate that it would be made an issue. He was thinking like a lawyer and thinking this is how it’s normally done, there’s no connection. What he could have done is gone to the people and explained why he believed that. He could have said, "Look, I didn’t anticipate it, because this is outrageous. This has never been done, and I’m not going to do it. I’m not going to let the Republicans link. I don’t have to compromise, because this isn’t the point to compromise." Compromise is when the Senate and the House debate a tax law, but this isn’t the time for debate. This is the time to approve what the Congress has already agreed to spend.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re going to go to break, then come back. Michael Hudson is with us, author of
Super Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire, a Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City. We’ll also be speaking with Bill Hartung of the New America Foundation. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: Our guests are Bill Hartung of the Center for International Policy and Michael Hudson of the University of Missouri, Kansas City, an economist. I want to turn to who won and who lost. Now, let’s be clear on what this commission is and what’s going to happen to Medicare, Medicaid,
Social Security. Michael Hudson?
MICHAEL HUDSON: The commission is going to be composed of three people, suggested by the House leader, Republican and Democratic leaders each, and the Senate Republican and Democratic leaders. The Republican—six Republican appointees to the commission are already pledged no taxes, and especially no closing of loopholes, nothing that will increase the money paid by their campaign contributors to the Republican Party. We don’t know who the Democratic appointees are going to be. But in the last commission that Mr. Obama appointed, the deficit reduction commission, they were all Democrats who were in favor of cutting Social Security. They were Wall Street Democrats, or what used to be called the Democratic Leadership Council. So the worry is that the Democrats are going to push their own tax cutters and that really there’s not going to be very much difference between the Democrats and the Republicans in what they propose for Social Security and Medicare. Mr. Obama had threatened that there wouldn’t be enough money to send out
Social Security checks, and that simply isn’t true. The Social Security Administration has its own holdings of Treasury bills, just like an individual would hold their own savings. Of course they could have cashed in the Treasury bills.
AMY GOODMAN: What about the credit agencies, the rating agencies?
MICHAEL HUDSON: They have played a very bad role in this. Here’s what happened. Under the Frank—the bank reform—
AMY GOODMAN: With Congress Member Frank.
MICHAEL HUDSON: —the
credit rating agencies were changed. The government was very angry at them for giving
AAA ratings on junk, and their defense in courts saying, "Well, yes, we gave
AAA ratings on junk mortgages, but they’re legally only opinions." So the Dodd-Frank bill said, "You rating agencies are liable for your opinions." Well, that—the rating agencies said, "We want to make money on selling our opinions, and we don’t want to have to take any responsibility for them, so we’re going to get you. We’re going to threaten to downgrade the U.S. government, until you say, 'OK, we don't want to hear your risk assessments anymore, because you’re hurting us.’"
But the proper response is to say, look, the rating agencies are just out to make money selling their opinions that are up for sale. The rating agencies are trying to get brownie points with Wall Street for opposing Social Security, for essentially yelling fire when there isn’t any fire. And at the same time, they want to weaken the Dodd-Frank bill so that they don’t have to ever be liable for making a warning about a country and they can continue to go back to giving
AAA ratings for junk, which is how they make their money.
AMY GOODMAN: Bill Hartung of the Center for International Policy, what happened to the Pentagon in this? They were actually surprised in the other direction, that they did so well.
WILLIAM HARTUNG: They did reasonably well. President Obama, as you mentioned, had talked about $400 billion in cuts over about a decade. That would have allowed the Pentagon to still grow with inflation, so that wasn’t even a real cut. So this is less than that, at $350 billion, and it counts other things. They can cut veterans’ benefits. They can cut the Department of Energy. They can cut international affairs. They can cut Homeland Security. So even down at $350 billion, the Pentagon will not bear all of it. And that was
John Boehner’s contribution to the package, was to protect the Pentagon and that larger basket of agencies.
AMY GOODMAN: How powerful were the military contractors, the lobbyists, in what has taken place, in the final deal?
WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, they weren’t too vocal about it, because they didn’t want to look like special interests, but they worked on the inside. They had
Boehner on their side. They had
Buck McKeon, the head of the House Armed Services Committee, whose biggest contributor is Lockheed Martin, who’s got big military facilities in his district. They had people like Randy Forbes, whose district is near the Newport News Shipbuilding complex, which builds attack submarines and aircraft carriers. So they used their influence to get people on the inside, their allies in the House, to push their agenda.
AMY GOODMAN: Let me ask you, Michael Hudson, how the debt ceiling was put into place to begin with? In fact, it was linked to the military, right?
MICHAEL HUDSON: It was put in in 1917 during World War I, and the idea was to prevent President Wilson from committing even more American troops and money to war. In every country of Europe—England, France—the parliamentary control over the budget was introduced to stop ambitious kings or rulers from waging wars. So the whole purpose was to limit a government’s ability to run into debt for war, because that was the only reason that governments ran into debt. Almost all governments, for hundreds of years, have been in balance in their domestic spending. War is what pushes up debt, as it has done in the United States.
Now, the irony of all this is that three weeks ago you had
Dennis Kucinich and Ron Paul trying to stop the Libyan—
AMY GOODMAN: Democrat and Republican.
MICHAEL HUDSON: —the Libyan war by introducing a rule to deny Mr. Obama the funding to continue to wage war on Libya and to enforce the War Powers Act to the president, to say, look, the president can’t go to war for more than three months without getting congressional approval. Mr. Obama said we’re not at a war. When we bomb people, that’s not a war; only if our people are killed while we’re bombing them are we at war. And none of our people are getting killed. Bombing people is not war. And then you had, all of a sudden, this fortuitous budget deficit issue coming up, and that untracked the whole discussion of limiting the budget from the discussion about war, where Mr. Kucinich and his Republican colleague had tried to prevent the American military expansion in the Near East. That worries them, and it worries a lot of the
Congresspeople, too, but somehow, despite the fact that war is always the main cause of budget deficits, that wasn’t an issue in this time around.
AMY GOODMAN: Bill Hartung, your response to that, and also, the whole issue of how—the kind of lobbying power the Pentagon itself has, not just the military contractors, and when there are cuts, where those cuts go, who is hurt most?
WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, first of all, I think on the issue of war spending driving the debt, that’s absolutely true. If you look at Korea, you look at Vietnam, you look at the Bush administration, along with the tax cuts, that’s been the huge driver of the deficit. So it’s ironic now we’re dealing with that deficit without touching the Pentagon, essentially.
In terms of the distribution of cuts, if you’re giving more money to Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman, it’s going to come from feeding programs, from housing programs, from administration of justice, from environmental protection. The whole rest of the budget, other than Social Security and a few entitlement programs, is discretionary. The Pentagon gets 56 cents on the dollar out of that already. And if they suffer almost no cuts, they’ll be a bigger part of the discretionary budget when this is all over.
AMY GOODMAN: And then, in terms of overall what someone wants their nation to be, when you are a first-rate military power—and there’s no question that the U.S. is the most powerful military on earth—but other parts of your country—the economy, the health levels of the people, all of the different aspects that make a country great—are much lower, are second-rate, isn’t this a problem, when it comes to how you approach problems, the first—your first point of attack will be to attack, because it’s your strongest way to deal, Michael Hudson and Bill?
MICHAEL HUDSON: This is what the whole fight of classical economics in the 18th and 19th century was all about. Parliamentary reform was intended to stop the power of the kings and the aristocracy from going to war, and to refocus the economy on developing national industrial power, national power. For hundreds of years, this was the essence of economics. And all of a sudden, this is no longer being discussed now. The war is—ever since the Vietnam War, the military spending has been deindustrializing the American economy. If you have a Pentagon contract—a Pentagon contract is cost-plus. The higher they spend on airplanes, on armaments, the more money they get. So you have them engineering not to cut costs, but to maximize costs, because that’s how they make their profit. So you have a warping of American engineering, American technology, towards the military, and that’s why the industrial core has been shifting to Asia, because they don’t have this military. The economy is being sacrificed to the military. And that’s somehow evaded discussion here. And yet, in Europe, for hundreds of years, this is what economics was all about.
WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, it’s interesting.
AMY GOODMAN: Bill Hartung?
WILLIAM HARTUNG: This year is the 50th anniversary of Eisenhower’s military-industrial complex speech. He talked about the need for a balanced economy, for a healthy population. Essentially, he’s to the left of Barack Obama on these issues. And—
AMY GOODMAN: The general turned president.
WILLIAM HARTUNG: Yes.
AMY GOODMAN: Of course, a Republican, Dwight Eisenhower.
WILLIAM HARTUNG: And we’re spending twice as much on the military as we did when Eisenhower gave that speech. So, we’ve got a huge imbalance in our budget. You can’t really defend your country if people are sick, people aren’t healthy, people aren’t educated. So it’s kind of undermining the roots of the ability to defend the country, going forward, to throw money at weapons makers, to throw money at this huge military base infrastructure that isn’t needed for defense proper of the country. So, it’s completely out of balance, and we’re going to pay a price for that if we don’t turn that around.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, I want to thank you both for being with us. Bill Hartung, author of
Prophets of War: Lockheed Martin and the Making of the Military-Industrial Complex, now at the Center for International Policy. And also, Michael Hudson, professor of economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City. His website
Michael-Hudson.com.
As Bugs Bunny says, “t,t,t,that’s al folks!”
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