Showing posts with label Russia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Russia. Show all posts

Monday, February 19, 2018

Mideast, stupidity, prayers



THE ABSURD TIMES


@AlmightyGod posted this on Twitter with encouragement to keep them coming.

I've noticed that the High School Students are sounding like real leaders and our so-called "leaders" are sounding like High School students.  I've heard that 91% of such mass murders are done in the US.  When one happened to Scotland, they changed laws and there have been no such incidents since.  When they had a mass murder in Australia, a conservative government moved, bought back guns, enforced laws and passed new ones, and it hasn't happened since.  Here, we are content to send thoughts and prayers, but don't do anything that will interfere with gun sales.  Actually, the market has been slumping lately because people think Trump will encourage gun owners. 

Why is it always-white guys that do these shootings?  Sure, blacks and Hispanics have shootouts and the like, but not single mass murders.  If someone who in a Moslem does it, we blame Islam.  If a white guy does it, he has mental problems.  What is it about white people that makes them so prone to mental problems?

WTF?

Too many things going on that do not make sense.  An absurd world has run amok.  I'll just rant on with a few more thoughts, and then present an interview about how much of our international mess started for good.


I think there are two types of people in this world.  Those who think there are two types of people in this world and those who don't.

Perhaps a tip on how to be witty:  pick a subject, then say "There are three things that are important in (your subject here)" and the repeat the three things, only the same thing.  There are three things that are important in politics: Money, money, and more money.  See how witty that is?

We have had 18 mass school shootings this year.  I guess the last one was to celebrate Valentine's day?

I am getting tired of journalists approaching the students and asking "How did you feel when you best friend was killed?"

"Well, gee, I felt just great."  What the hell is that all about?  "Will you cry for us on camera?

A new campaign is in order #neveragain.  Maybe it will take off?  I doubt it.

On final thought on abortion:  Some religious nuts have been railing against it.  Now I know that religion gives many people comfort and peace, and that is no problem.  When fanatics take it over to run other people's lives is when it becomes stupid.  Some have been arguing against it vehemently against it, claiming that life begins at conception.  (They don't seem to give a damn about the kid once it is born, btw.).  Well, once a right-wing Governor of a Midwest state declared that human life began at conception.  Soon, some kid got busted for underage drinking.  He tried to subpoena the Governor and argued that he was only 6 months under the legal drinking age and, since human life began at conception, he was drinking legally.  The Governor refused and later became Attorney General of the U.S., covering up Lady Justice's breast (which signifies charity, or love) as obscene.  He didn't know how right he was.

Finally, there is a great deal of balderdash coming from Democrats, mainly.  I loath most Republicans, but it is very stupid to scream out about the Russians interfering with 'OUR DEMOCRACY!!!'  We would never do anything like that, would we?  At least not with troll farmers.

Well, just off the top of my head, I can think of Alliende of Chile, killed so Pinochet could take over.  How about the coup on Chavez?  He was too smart to get cornered and helped a few countries in Latin American get some degree of freedom from the IMF.  Anyone ever heard of Mossadegh?  The elected leader of Iran, replaced immediately by Dulles with the Shah?  That led to the revolution, putting a religious government in power.  How about Lamumba?  JFK didn't like that and we know what happened to JFK.

Well, here is some information about Saddam and Powell.  The Mideast has been a mess ever since:
Fifteen years ago this week, Secretary of State General Colin Powell gave a speech to the United Nations arguing for war with Iraq, saying the evidence was clear: Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction. It was a speech Powell would later call a blot on his career. Is President Trump doing the same thing now with Iran? We speak to Powell's former chief of staff, Col. Lawrence Wilkerson. He recently wrote a piece titled "I Helped Sell the False Choice of War Once. It's Happening Again."


Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: We turn now to look at the growing threat of war against Iran. In recent weeks, senior members of the Trump administration have repeatedly tried to churn up U.S. support for a war against Iran, while President Trump has reiterated his threats to pull the U.S. out of the landmark 2015 Iran nuclear deal. Last month, President Trump issued a waiver to prevent the reimposition of U.S. sanctions against Iran, but warned he would not do so again unless the nuclear deal is renegotiated. The waiver must be reissued every 120 days to avoid the sanctions from kicking back in.
His warning came after U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley spoke at the Anacostia-Bolling military base in Washington, D.C., in front of pieces of metal she claimed were parts of an Iranian-made missile supplied to the Houthis in Yemen, which the Houthis allegedly fired into Saudi Arabia. This is Ambassador Haley speaking December 14th.
NIKKI HALEY: Behind me is an example of one of these attacks. These are the recovered pieces of a missile fired by Houthi militants from Yemen into Saudi Arabia. The missile's intended target was the civilian airport in Riyadh, through which tens of thousands of passengers travel each day. I repeat, the missile was used to attack an international civilian airport in a G20 country. Just imagine if this missile had been launched at Dulles Airport or JFK or the airports in Paris, London or Berlin. That's what we're talking about here. That's what Iran is actively supporting.
AMY GOODMAN: Weapons experts widely criticized Ambassador Haley's speech, saying the evidence was inconclusive and fell far short of proving her allegations that Iran had violated a U.N. Security Council resolution. But to our next guest, Haley's claims were not only inconclusive, they were also oddly reminiscent of the false claims about weapons of mass destruction the George W. Bush administration used to sell the public on the war with Iraq.
Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson served as chief of staff to Secretary of State Colin Powell from 2002 to 2005, during which time he helped prepare Powell's infamous speech to the U.N. claiming Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. Powell's speech was given 15 years ago this week, February 5th, 2003.
SECRETARY OF STATE COLIN POWELL: One of the most worrisome things that emerges from the thick intelligence file we have on Iraq's biological weapons is the existence of mobile production facilities used to make biological agents. Let me take you inside that intelligence file and share with you what we know from eyewitness accounts. We have firsthand descriptions of biological weapons factories on wheels and on rails. The trucks and train cars are easily moved and are designed to evade detection by inspectors. In a matter of months, they can produce a quantity of biological poison equal to the entire amount that Iraq claimed to have produced in the years prior to the Gulf War.
AMY GOODMAN: That was then-Secretary of State General Colin Powell speaking February 5th, 2003, before the U.N. Security Council. Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, his chief of staff, has since renounced the speech, which he helped write. Well, his new op-ed for The New York Times is headlined "I Helped Sell the False Choice of War Once. It's Happening Again."
Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, welcome back to Democracy Now! Talk about what—how you felt at the time, how you came to understand the evidence that General Colin Powell, who himself said—called this speech, later, a blot on his career—how you put this speech together, and the echoes of it, what you hear today, in Ambassador Haley's speech.
LAWRENCE WILKERSON: Amy, we put the speech together with, arguably, the entire U.S. intelligence community, led by George Tenet, the director of central intelligence, literally at Powell's right hand all the time, seven days, seven nights, at Langley and then in New York, before we presented.
When I saw Nikki Haley give her presentation, certainly there was not the gravitas of a Powell, not the statesmanship of a Powell, not the popularity of a Powell. What I saw was a John Bolton. And remember, John Bolton was her predecessor, in terms of being a neoconservative at the United Nations representing the United States. I saw a very amateurish attempt.
But nonetheless, these kinds of things, when they're made visual and the statements are made so dramatically, have an impact on the American people. I saw her doing essentially the same thing with regard to Iran that Powell had done, and I had done, and others, with regard to Iraq. So it alarms me. I don't think the American people have a memory for these sorts of things. Gore Vidal called this the "United States of Amnesia," with some reason.
So, we need to be reminded of how the intelligence was politicized, how it was cherry-picked, how we moved towards a war that has been an absolute catastrophe for the region, and even, long-term, for Israel's security and the United States' perhaps, with a deftness and with a fluidity that alarmed me then. It really alarms me now that we might be ready to repeat that process.
And your previous speaker, on North Korea, there's another target. This president has so many targets out there that he could avail himself of at almost any moment, that we have to shudder at the prospects for war and destruction over the next three years of Donald Trump's term.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about the pieces of metal she was talking about?
LAWRENCE WILKERSON: I can't imagine how anyone could haul some metal in front of the TV cameras and assert, the way she did, with the details she did—some of which was false, just flat false—and expect anyone within any expertise, at least, to believe it. Open parenthesis, (The American people don't necessarily have that expertise), close parenthesis.
Look at her statement about "this could have been shot at Dulles, or it could have been shot at Berlin." Had it been shot at Dulles or Berlin, it would have stopped well short, somewhere in the Atlantic Ocean or even shorter. These missiles are not long-range missiles. These missiles are very inaccurate missiles. They have a CEP of miles. That means that, unlike a U.S. nuclear weapon, which would hit within a 10-meter circle or less, it would hit within a mile or two circle. They don't know where it's going to hit when they shoot it. It's not very accurate, in other words.
So the things that she was presenting there, she was presenting with a drama, that even if what she was saying fundamentally was true, that the Houthis got it from Iran and shot it at Saudi Arabia, it simply was so exaggerated that one just looks at it and says, "I can't believe that the United States is represented by that woman."
AMY GOODMAN: Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, it's very interesting that you have this moment now in U.S. history where the Republicans—some of them—are joining with President Trump in trying to discredit the intelligence agencies. And yet you go back to 2003, when you have a fierce criticism of the intelligence agencies, saying they were being used to politicize information, which, oddly, is what President Trump is saying, in a very different context.
LAWRENCE WILKERSON: You would have a lot of sympathy if you asked me if I have some doubts about the U.S. intelligence agencies, all 17 of them now, definitely. But let me tell you what I've done over the last 11 or 12 years, on two university campuses with really brilliant students, in terms of enlightening myself, gaining new insights into what happened not only in 2002 and '03, but what's been happening ever since and, for that matter, what happened ever since Richard Nixon, with regard to the intelligence communities.
What happens is you get people like Tenet, you get people like John Brennan, you get people like John McLaughlin, you get people like Chris Mudd, for example—Phil Mudd, who was head of counterterrorism for George Tenet and who tried at the last minute to get me to put even more stuff into his presentation about the connections between Baghdad and al-Qaeda. You get people like that who are at the top. That screens all the many dedicated, high-moral, high-character professionals down in the bowels of the DIA, the CIA, the NSA and elsewhere. That screens their views, which are often accurate—I'd say probably 80 percent of the time very accurate—from the decision makers. So what you get is you get people like Tenet and McLaughlin and Brennan, who shape whatever they can to fit the policies that the president wishes to carry out. The intelligence, therefore, gets corrupted. So, in that sense, I am still down on the, quote, "U.S. intelligence community," unquote.
AMY GOODMAN: I mean, it's really interesting, because a number of the people you mention from the past are the current commentators on television.
LAWRENCE WILKERSON: Yes, yes. John McLaughlin—John McLaughlin lied to the secretary of state of the United States on more than one occasion during the preparation for the 5 February, 2003, U.N. Security Council.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to turn to President Trump speaking to the United Nations General Assembly in September.
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: The Iran deal was one of the worst and most one-sided transactions the United States has ever entered into. Frankly, that deal is an embarrassment to the United States, and I don't think you've heard the last of it. Believe me. It is time for the entire world to join us in demanding that Iran's government end its pursuit of death and destruction. It is time for the regime to free all Americans and citizens of other nations that they have unjustly detained. And above all, Iran's government must stop supporting terrorists, begin serving its own people and respect the sovereign rights of its neighbors.
AMY GOODMAN: Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, respond to President Trump, and talk about the clock being put ever closer to midnight.
LAWRENCE WILKERSON: That agreement, the JCPOA, the nuclear agreement between the U.N. Security Council permanent members, Germany, Iran, that agreement is probably the most insidious and likely way to war with Iran. The Obama regime, in a very, very difficult diplomatic situation, achieved the best it could. That best is a nuclear agreement that keeps Iran from a nuclear weapon and gives us over a year of time, should they try to secretly break out of it, to inspect and find and to stop, even if we had to bomb. So it is an agreement unparalleled in regard to stopping Iran's search for, if it ever had the desire to, a nuclear weapon.
If Trump undermines that, if this administration undermines that, then there is no—and they are moving fast to do that—there is no other alternative, if you look at it. Now, my colleagues and some of my opponents in this will say, "Oh, no, that doesn't necessarily mean war." It certainly does, if you continue this march towards Iran's—unacceptability of Iran's having a nuclear weapon, because then we will have intelligence telling us that Iran is—I know the Foundation for Defense of Democracy and others will never let this rest. We will have everyone telling us that Iran, whether they are or not, is going after a nuclear weapon, once the agreement is abrogated. That means the only way you assure the American people and the international community, the region—Saudi Arabia is salivating for a war with Iran, with American lives at the front—that means the only way you stop Iran, under those circumstances, is to invade—500,000 soldiers and troops, you better have some allies, 10 years, $4 [trillion] or $5 trillion. And at the end of that 10 years, it looks worse than Iraq did at the end of its 10.
That's what you're looking at over the long haul, if you say this agreement is no good and abrogate it, because if it's still unacceptable, that Iran not get a nuclear weapon, the only way that you assure that is by invasion. Bombing won't do it. All bombing will do is drive them underground. They will develop a weapon. They'll work with the North Koreans and so forth. We know they have worked with the North Koreans in the past. And they will develop one. And then they'll be like Kim Jong-un: They'll present us with the fait accompli.
Nuclear proliferation is a real threat right now. And I agree with the Bulletin of Atomic—the Atomic Scientists Bulletin that the hands on the Doomsday Clock are now at two, two-and-a-half minutes or so from midnight. We are more in danger of a nuclear exchange on the face of the Earth than we were in probably any time since 1945. And that includes the Cuban missile crisis in 1962 and the Berlin crisis that more or less preceded it. This is a dangerous time, and we have a man in the White House who is a dangerous president.
AMY GOODMAN: Colonel Wilkerson, on Wednesday, Defense Secretary James Mattis defended a Pentagon request to develop new so-called low-yield nuclear weapons, telling reporters the U.S. needed a more complete range of nuclear options. And this comes as the Trump administration has unveiled its new nuclear weapons strategy, which involves spending at least $1.2 trillion to upgrade, they say, the U.S. nuclear arsenal. Your response?
LAWRENCE WILKERSON: Make that about two to three, maybe even four, trillion dollars, because that's what the cost overruns will be, and that's what we'll spend over the next 10 to 15 years to do this. And we do not need it. Just look at some of the components of this. We're looking at a B-21 bomber for the Air Force, for example, that's going to be so expensive the Air Force won't even tell the Congress how much it's going to cost. We're looking at a nuclear-tipped cruise missile for that bomber, which negates the need for the bomber. It's redundant, but we're going to do it anyway.
This is to assuage the military-industrial complex in America that deals with nuclear weapons. This is to spend lots of money and keep lots of nuclear scientists and others in their jobs. I understand that, but I don't condone this kind of money being spent. This is to respond to the Russians, whose military doctrine now includes using small-yield nuclear weapons, should they be invaded by NATO. It's written in their doctrine. This is to further perturbate the situation with the Chinese, who are taking Mao Zedong's nuclear philosophy and throwing it out the window and thinking, "Oh, maybe we better build lots more nuclear weapons so we can ride out a first strike and retaliate." This is all because of the United States. It's all because of what's happening in the world post-Cold War, that we all thought was going to be more peaceful and is turning out to be more catastrophically dangerous.
AMY GOODMAN: Colonel Wilkerson, Trump just tweeted, "Just signed Bill"—he's talking about the spending bill. "Our Military will now be stronger than ever before. We love and need our Military and gave them everything — and more. First time this has happened in a long time." Your last 10-second response?
LAWRENCE WILKERSON: Yeah, not the first time. Ronald Reagan did it, '82, '83, '84. And he did it on politicized intelligence about the Soviet Union. We knew it was falling apart at that time, but that didn't go along with his arms buildup. That's exactly what Trump is doing. And he's using the military to gain more votes.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, I want to thank you so much for being with us. Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson served as the secretary—as the chief of staff of the secretary of state, of Colin Powell, from 2002 to 2005.
That does it for our show. A very happy birthday Mohamed Taguine!
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Saturday, February 03, 2018

60s, FBI, Gong Show



THE ABSURD TIMES







This guy could never have been elected in the 60s or 70s, but maybe he could have given Ronald Reagan a run for it.  I was able to meet people like Abbie Hoffman and all his incarnations, Tom Hayden, saw Lenny Bruce live, collaborated briefly with Severn Darden, and so on.  Electing the host of the Gong Show was simply out of the question.  Today, well, we elected the host of the Apprentice, so who knows?

Some time ago, someone said that the 60s was a great time, and early 70s.  Having lived though it, I disagreed.  Now, looking back, perhaps we need it again.  After all, Gretchen Carlson was born in the 60s, so she missed them entirely.  Maybe she woke up during Ronald's Rule?  Seems like it. 

Well, who remembers that?  Most people today weren't even born then, except Gretchen.  I knew some older people who could talk about Herbert Hoover (a chicken in every pot) and others who like FDR who repaired the country after the big businesses ruined it.  He used ideas from Eugene Debs and other Socialists to do so.  Corporations have been trying to undo what he accomplished ever since, but there have been impediments.

These big businesses managed to keep Henry Wallace from being Vice President during FDR's last term, but that wasn't enough for them.  Wallace would have been an excellent President, for the people that is, but not for big business.  Truman ran instead and these forces tried to get even him out with John Dewey.  It didn't work.

Still, I don't remember any of this.  I know Eisenhower became President, but it didn't matter much.  I do remember he said "moreover," a great deal, but that's about it.  No, the first President I was really aware of was JFK and that was because I grew up in Chicago and helped get him elected (I couldn't vote, but I could sure mark up ballots so they would be disqualified – just doing my bit, don't you know?)  Yes, that precinct was heavily Republican.  Too many Swedes, I think the story was.  I'm not sure.  Anyway, I did know that Nixon was evil.

In fact, I knew that because I heard the debates of the radio and I am one of the few that think Kennedy made more sense than Nixon on the radio, beard or no beard.

Still, it didn't mean that much, but I did get very tired of people talking about Jackie.  Like, who cared?  I wasn't a big fan of the kids, either.  I wasn't able to vote yet anyway.  Instead, I was busy during the summer playing semi-pro baseball, pretending I was Dizzy Dean, and making enough money to go to college.  Well, things there were strange too.

First off, they offered a scholarship.  I could get free tuition, live in the athlete's dorm, free food, and show up for practice and games 4 to 5 hours a day.  One thing, however, no playing semi-pro anymore because you were no longer an amateur.  Well, I thought about it.  One the one hand, I could play 5-6 games in the summer and make enough money to pay room and board and tuition, live off campus, not have to sleep in the same room with these cretins for the entire year, or I could take their scholarship.  I said "Fuck no," and that was that.  No school spirit at all, I'm afraid.   They sent me a booklet from the fraternity council and it has a list of THINGS THEY WERE NO LONGER ALLOWED TO DO.  Man, like such creativity.  What do they do now?  Nope, no fraternal spirit either, I'm afraid.

Anyway, back to the world.  Since I've had enough, you might as well hear all about it. 

I was in my seat, waiting for the 1:00 class to begin, a class entirely on the plays of George Bernard Shaw, when someone came in with a transistor radio, put it on the desk, while it announced that JFK had been assassinated.  Yes, it was shocking.  Even more frightening was when one girl said, "Shit, that means Lyndon Johnson is President?"  That was a bad idea. 

The Vietnam War started, as I had expected and people on the BBC were predicting.  (Short wave was helpful back then.  It provided a way to hear news and information from other countries without any concern for the U.S.  Did you know that the first female newscaster I ever heard was on Radio Moscow?  I found that interesting at the time.) 




Waking up Politically


Anyway, the next election featured Barry Goldwater, fan of the John birch Society, as opposed to Lyndon Johnson.  Johnson said he didn't think we should be fighting a war in Vietnam.  Goldwater said we should "Bomb them into the stone age."  I though that was a clear choice and I voted for him (and felt guilty about it a year afterwards).  There was a television show I was able to watch during the election called THAT WAS THE WEEK THAT WAS, and it had people saying things like "You Americans think we in Britain know nothing about what it would be like to have a Barry Goldwater as President.  Well, you're wrong, we had one, only his name was Oliver Cromwell." 

[Here we have to digress.  John Milton became Cromwell's Latin Secretary and that was an important position in those days.  Milton went on to write PARADISE LOST.  This is important because the Bible is Gods version of what happened.  Why does the Devil have his own book?  Well, the first two books of Paradise Lost are his.  If you see used copies of the book, notice that the first two books are very well read.  The rest, not so.]

The show made Goldwater look like an ass, but at the time (I found this out much later) Hillary Clinton was a supporter.  In any case, the supporter of the John Birch Society, a fanatic anti-communist group, Mr. Koch senior, bought the time of the show from NBC and put it off the air.  Still, Goldwater lost. 

As soon as he was elected, LBJ started to get read to go to real war with Vietnam.  JFK had 20K troops there, all volunteers, and was thinking of getting them out.  It was time for me to start doing some research (something nobody did back then unless it was for a term paper).  It turned out that Vietnam had been at war for at least a thousand years, we only got in when the French gave up the idea a stupid, and JFK seemed to think it was stupid to stay there so the CIA probably was involved in killing him off, but for some reason LBJ liked it (or he was afraid he would be knocked off next).  He was a very easy person to hate back then. 

Then, they had a system of involuntary servitude called "selective service" which is commemorated in the song Alice's Restaurant by Arlo Guthrie.   The John Birch Society is commemorated by Dylan and a group called the Goldcoast Singers.   Even I was writing songs.  What people don't get today is that the Tea Party is supported by the sons of this Koch, Charles Koch. 

Then the revolution began.  Civil Rights, Anti-War, supposedly drugs, sex and rock, but really, rock is too noisy (Miles Davis was better) and girls were not that easy.  By 1968, McCarthy had challenged Johnson in the primary and we were all supporting him. 

LBJ resigned, but Kennedy was still reticent.  Anyway, Gene McCarthy had a better sense of humor as well.  When RFK looked like he was getting popular, however, and after it really seemed that he had evolved, after he made the speech about the killing of Martin Luther King, and he won California, the powers that were decided he was a real threat.  Hubert was still running as well. 

The convention was insane.  No, we were not inside, we were in Grant Park and elsewhere.  Some of the cops I recognized – they had been gang members in my old high school, but they were ok.  It was the older ones, about 30 or so years old that were vicious.  It seemed they couldn't stand seeing the pretty girls next to the scrawny hippie types and really went after them.  Abbie did all sorts of things to go wild and when he got tired of seeing his face in the news, I helped him write FUCK on his forehead.  Somehow, it came off, and he did it again in a mirror (which didn't work for anyone except Abbie). 

Norman Mailer was there to make a speech and then said he felt like a coward to go off to write his column.  He was encouraged to go write.  The National guard was cheered when they showed up to relieve the Chicago Police.  Daley had given the order to "shoot to maim and kill", so higher powers took over.  Or so it seemed.   I asked a few Precinct Captains and Ward Committeemen why they had resigned a few months ago and got the same answer from every on of the "Aw, da guy started ta believe the shit he had been saying like he was really da boss, ya know?"  I assured them I knew.

So who come back with a plan to end the war?  Nixon!  Give us a break.  Not him.  His idea was to bomb not only Vietnam, but Cambodia, Laos, and wherever he could.  That was Henry's idea.  "Dr. Kissinger," to you.   Later on, much later on, I was treating a vet of the "secret" war in Cambodia (he kept saying he could not tell me about it because I would be killed and he would be killed.  He was surprised I was able to tell him about it.  Of course, I did not know he was captured and that they pulled out his fingernails) who could not stop drinking.  He had his house stocked with guns, however.  (Yes, he had a license and anybody that complained would get THEIR fingernails pulled out, I suppose.)   Suffering has its limits, however, and he finally killed himself.  He did not get a single bit of help from our government.  Also, many immigrants joined our armed forces, served, and are now facing deportation.  They became people, not property.


At this point, I find myself wondering "Who cares?"  A profound philosophical question.  Stupidity and inequity seem to be bound up together with humaqn beings, Not even "seem to be," are.  No way around it. 

So perhaps the only meaning if life is whatever fun we can get out of it.  Of course, with fun, is punishment.  The two are bound together.  If you are enjoying yourself, you will eventually be punished for it.   Thos who are called pessimists and misanthropes cannot be.  Otherwise, they would not bother to waste on single bit of energy talking or writing anything about how bad things were.  They have to be able to envision something better in order to even consider saying anything about it.

THE FBI

            It seems the FBI has become a secret society of left-wing radicals if you believe the Republicans.  It is difficult to realize how strange this sounds, especially if you know a bit about their history, a very strange history.

It was started by FDR (who ran for President to "save my friends from themselves" during the depression) to fight organized crime.  People like John Dillinger and Al Capone and J. Edgar Hoover was appointed head, or Directory.  He insisted on a clean-cut look.  Of course, Organized crime of those days was not very organized and the outlaws became legends.  Baby Face Nelson was there too.

Later on, organized crime became more organized and orderly.  It became more like a corporate business.  The Godfather is pretty accurate, especially Godfather II. About the same time, a bit later, the syndicate or the Mafia, choose your own name, caught on that J. Edgar Hoover like to dress up in his mother's underwear and chase his male secretary around the room and play with him.  When confronted with this, Hoover had to find other targets.  He found COMMUNISM!  No body else has, but he did.

He tapped Martin Luther King's phone, Malcolm X's phone, just about anyone else's.  He got around to tapping many phones.  The best proof of this was when a comedian who ran for Mayor of Chicago, Dick Gregory had his phone tapped.  How did he know?  As he said "Anytime a black man in this country can owe $18,000 in phone bills and they don't but off service, you know it's tapped!" 

He also made me thing it was safe to fly.  Inflation has hit to make this line seem less funny, but it was ""I'm not afraid to fly.  In a capitalist country where an airplane costs three million dollars, you know it's safe."  And it was.

During LBJ:  LBJ actually did many good things such as Medicare, the Voting Rights act, and so on, ever an immigration law that made it illegal to discriminate on immigrants on basis of COUNTRY OF ORIGIN (I wonder what has happened to that law?).  But it was hard to think about help at age 65 when you were 18 and didn't not think living past 1984 was likely.  He was asked why he didn't fire J. Edgar Hoover, and there were two reasons: 1) LBJ enjoyed reading about the sex lives of other politicians and 2) "I'd rather have him inside the tent pissing out than outside pissing in".  It was the first time I'd heard that phrase. 

So, when I had friends in the SDS I told them to be careful on the phone because it was probably tapped.  They would not believe me.  I asked if the phone sounded very clear and clean, no interference?  They would say yes.  So I would tell them it was certainly tapped, no doubt about it.  They still didn't believe me.  So, I decided to prove it.  I told the leader, Garry (the one who applied for P.O. Statues with the Draft Board, (you mean C.O., don't you?"  "No P.O. I'll fight for the other side") to call me at 8 next night and be prepared to follow along.

It was in a town with a train that passed through with a fire station on the North Side.  At about 2 AM, a train would pass though and totally block one of the passages between north and south.  The only way left was under a viaduct.  That train sat there for abut and hour or two, every Thursday night.  So that's the day I had him call.  Of course, I'd told him to check the are out the night before, just to make sure.   I had 20 bucks riding on this.

Ok, so he calls.  We talk a bit, and then I say "Ok, the plan is set"

"It is?  How's it going down?"

"Easy, you got the trucks ready to block the viaduct?"

"Yeah, so what?"

"Ok, now, you know the train will block the main crossway and the only way is the viaduct.  The Fire Station is one the north side, so you pick me up along 4th street, just about 6 blocks South.  Be there about 1:45."

He plays along and says "So what gonna happen?"

"Here's what's gone happen, man.  Aquarius has his bomb for the Legion Hall and Leo is ready with his at the High School.  They will be there about 2.  Now, when the train parks, we go to the viaduct, block it, about 2:15 the bombs go off, and we are out of there.  Total destruction!  Man, it'll be great.  We already got a sign hung on the civil war cannon saying NO MORE VIETNAM!!  Cool?"

"Yeah, I'll be there."

So, when the time came, he picked me up, and we drove by there at about 2:10 and, sure enough, the train had blocked the street as we pulled up to the viaduct.  And there, sitting there in a black Oldsmobile, were two well-dressed men, overcoats, jackets and ties, Fedora hats, sitting there.  They looked mean and very alert.  I asked Gary "Are you convinced?"

He handed me the $20 Bill and we simply drove by.  Of course his phone was taped.

RFK made Hoover report to him, not to JFK.  That's why he had to go, especially when it looked like he had a chance to be nominated and become President.  That would have been the end of Hoover.

They had a lot to do in Watergate too, but that's old news.

They question for today is, how did the FBI suddenly turn into a den of lefties?  And after years of Republicans telling us what a threat Russia was, how did they become friends of sorts and attacked so often by Democrats? 
















Wednesday, January 03, 2018

LOOK BACK IN ANGER -- 2017


THE ABSURD TIMES



Illustration: They finally won.


Yes, it is the New Year and so it is time to look back in anger.

First, some high points of the year:

Best and most prophetic protest sign: "DEREGULATE MY UTERUS!" held up during the first protest, the day after inaugeration.

Most incisive and, it turns out, most prophetic line during a debate: Rand Paul during the primaries said "This is like Junior High with this kind of talk."

My own favorite:  "I am so irritated at the sound of Trump's voice, that I'd rather hear a musical contest between a pen of flatulent trained pigs farting in time against a punk Polka Band playing simultaneously."  [They give more characters on Twitter now.]

Most ridiculous tweet, obviously from Trump to North Korea: "My button in bigger than your button and mine works."  Of course, D.T. is seldom at his desk, so what difference does it make?

Worst action of the year: The so-called "Tax Reform" that cost the U.S. over a Trillion dollars which now gives the excuse that we have to cut Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, etc.  Better we go into bankruptcy? 

Now, our administration is speaking out against the right to express oneself in Iran and calling for the UN to meet over it.  Imagine if during Kent State, or the LA riots, that France called for the UN to meet over civil rights in the US.

Anyway, here is a discussion of the year in retrospect:
At least 22 people are dead and hundreds have been arrested, as Iranian authorities move to quell the largest anti-government protests since 2009. President Donald Trump responded to the protests on Monday in one of his first tweets of the new year, writing "TIME FOR CHANGE!" "This is the same president who, not more than three months ago, announced a ban on Iranians from coming to the United States," says Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Glenn Greenwald. "He's somebody who has aligned with the world's worst, most savage dictators."


Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Today we spend the hour with Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald, as we look back at some of the major stories of 2017 and we look ahead to 2018. We begin with President Trump's foreign policy in Iran, where at least 22 people are dead and hundreds have been arrested, as authorities used tear gas and water cannons to quell the largest anti-government protest since 2009. The protests, which began last week and quickly spread to cities across Iran, are targeting the country's high unemployment, income inequality and housing costs. Protesters have also railed against Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and President Hassan Rouhani, On Sunday, Rouhani said Iranians have the right to protest, but said violence would be met with a firm response.
PRESIDENT HASSAN ROUHANI: [translated] I ask all the security forces, the police forces, who have not behaved in a violent way toward the people, I ask them to exercise their restraint so that nobody is hurt. However, at the same time, in order to preserve our country, our nation, our tranquility and peace, for all of this, we must be firm and act decisively.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: President Donald Trump responded to the protests Monday in one of his first tweets of the new year, writing, quote, "Iran is failing at every level despite the terrible deal made with them by the Obama Administration. The great Iranian people have been repressed for many years. They are hungry for food & for freedom. Along with human rights, the wealth of Iran is being looted. TIME FOR CHANGE!" Trump tweeted. Meanwhile, the Iranian president, Rouhani, rebuffed President Trump's comments.
PRESIDENT HASSAN ROUHANI: [translated] This man, Donald Trump, in America, who today wants to sympathize with our people, has forgotten that just a few months ago he labeled the Iranian nation a terrorist nation. This person, who is against the Iranian nation to his core, he wants to feel sorry for Iranians? There is a question here. It is open to suspicion.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And President Trump just tweeted, "The people of Iran are finally acting against the brutal and corrupt Iranian regime. All of the money that President Obama so foolishly gave them went into terrorism and into their 'pockets.' The people have little food, big inflation and no human rights. The U.S. is watching!" Trump tweeted just a few minutes ago.
Well, for more, we're joined from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, by Glenn Greenwald, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and one of the founding editors of The Intercept.
Glenn, first of all, Happy New Year! I hope the news for you this year is good, at least better. Can you respond first to what is happening now in Iran, this outbreak of protest that surprised, clearly, not only the Iranian leadership, when it began at the end of last week, but people all over the world?
GLENN GREENWALD: So, Iran is an extremely sophisticated and complex country of 80 million people. And I think that when it comes to analyzing exactly what's driving the protest in Iran, we ought to defer to Iranians, people who are steeped in Iran's civil society, and ought to avoid the sort of overnight experts who tend to pop up in the West and opine on these matters from afar without much knowledge. Even within the commentariat of Iranians, you see conflicting accounts about whether the primary impetus is economic deprivation or agitation for greater political rights, whether it's demands that the government reform or whether it's an actual desire to change the government. So, I think, really, all we can say from afar is that protesting one's own government without being shot in the street or arrested is a universal human right, and we ought to have solidarity with people who are agitating to make their government better.
But what I do think we can and have to comment on is the posture of the United States government and Western governments in terms of foreign policy and how they're responding to the events in Tehran. That, I think, we can comment on meaningfully and should. I think it's worth remembering that for a long time it has been the top item on the foreign policy agenda of lots of factions to have regime change in Iran. Going back to 2005, 2006, the neocon slogan, after they toppled Saddam Hussein, was "real men go to Tehran." They were really most eager to facilitate regime change in Iran. And so, there's a lot of interest in terms of agitating for instability in Iran from people who are pretending to care about the Iranian people, but who actually couldn't care less about the Iranian people.
And you could start with Donald Trump, who, as you just noted, tweeted his grave concern for the welfare of Iranians. This is the same president who, not more than three months ago, announced a ban on Iranians from coming to the United States. He's somebody who has aligned with the world's worst, most savage dictators, including in Saudi Arabia and other places around the world. Lots of Western commentators who are posturing about being concerned about human rights in Iran are people in think tanks funded by other dictatorships and repressive tyrants in the same region. So I think we ought to be extremely skeptical when it comes to people like Donald Trump or people in Washington think tanks pretending that they're wanting to intervene in Iran out of concern for human rights or for the welfare of the Iranian people. I think when it comes to foreign policy, the best thing we can hope for is that the United States stays out of what is a matter of political dispute inside Iran.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Glenn, and you mentioned Saudi Arabia. It's not just Saudi Arabia, but we look at Egypt or the Philippines, all countries for which Trump has had praise for the dictators and the authoritarian leaders of these countries. And now to suddenly, at lightning speed, come up with comments about the rights of the Iranian people to rise up against their leaders is—it is—well, it shouldn't be surprising for Trump, but it certainly gives food for thought for anyone who thinks that this administration has any concerns about human rights.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah. I mean, first of all, the centerpiece of U.S. foreign policy, really in the wake of World War II through the Cold War, and then even with the fall of the Soviet Union, has been to align with and to embrace and to support dictators, tyrants and repressive regimes, as long as they serve the interests of the United States. So, anybody in their right mind who ever takes seriously pronouncements from official Washington that they're motivated by anger over repression or a defense of the political rights of people in other countries is incredibly naive at best, to put that generously.
Just this week, Juan, there was an amazing leak that Politico published, which was a State Department memo written to Secretary of State Rex Tillerson that explicitly said what has been long obvious, but usually isn't put into words so clear, that human rights is not actually something the U.S. government believes in; it is a cudgel that it uses to undermine and bash countries that don't serve its interests. They use denunciations of human rights abuses to undermine and weaken governments that are contrary to their agenda, like in Iran, while at the same time, this memo said—this isn't me saying this, this is the State Department memo saying—they overlook and even sanction repressive behavior on the part of their allies.
And it goes beyond the Trump administration. I mean, if you look at how official Washington works in terms of, say, the leading think tanks in Washington, the Brookings Institution, for example, which has become incredibly popular among liberals in the Trump era, is funded with tens of millions of dollars by the government of Qatar, one of the most repressive regimes on the planet. The Center for American Progress, which is probably the leading Democratic Party think tank in the United States, is funded in—one of their biggest funders is the government of the United Arab Emirates.
So, when you hear people like that or people in the Trump administration, who have aligned themselves with the world's most savage dictators for decades, who are funded by tyrants, pretend that what they're motivated by is a desire to liberate people from oppression, you should instantly know that there are other agendas going on. And the reason that matters so much is because it's not just, "Oh, we're exposing hypocrisy or deceit"; it's because what someone's motives are when they intervene in the affairs of other countries determines the outcome. Look what happened in Libya, where people like Anne-Marie Slaughter and Hillary Clinton and John Kerry pretended to be motivated by the interest of the Libyan people. Once Gaddafi was killed and was removed from office, which was what the real goal was, everybody forgot about Libya, allowed Libya to fall into utter chaos, militia rule. The slave trade has returned there. ISIS is reigning. Because when you don't actually care about the interests of the people of the country you're intervening in, you're only pretending to as the pretext for it, it really alters the outcome in ways that are never desirable.
AMY GOODMAN: And finally, the significance of what's happening in Iran for protests around the world, the message that it's sending—something that President Trump might not be as interested in—and what it means for the nuclear deal, the Iran nuclear deal that Trump is trying to pull out of?
GLENN GREENWALD: Right. So, I think that one of the interesting aspects of this kind of cynical and manipulative behavior when it comes to pretending to side with protesters, when in reality the agenda is much different, is that it can actually, in a very unintended way, spark protests and the right of rebellion elsewhere. And that's why I said at the start, although we shouldn't opine on the internal affairs of Iran from a distance, because it's too complicated and kind of opaque for us to really meaningfully do that, what we can and should do is affirm the right of people everywhere to protest against their government without being imprisoned, without being detained, without being shot at with tear gas canisters and without being killed, all of which is happening in Iran.
And so, when Donald Trump, even as manipulative as it is, upholds this value, I do think it can spark protests and this kind of ethos of reform and rebellion and people going out onto the streets and demanding government treatment far beyond what he might intend. Here in the United States, of course, there has been probably the most robust protest, against the Trump administration, that we've seen in the United States in probably a few decades. He doesn't seem to like protest very much in the United States. His Justice Department is prosecuting protesters. But I do think that when you see things like what's going on in Iran—really poor people, without any political rights, in the streets standing up against a repressive government—it can inspire people around the world to do the same.
AMY GOODMAN: Glenn Greenwald, we're going to break, and when we come back, well, we are going to have a wide-ranging discussion, but we want to begin with your latest piece, "Facebook Says It Is Deleting Accounts at the Direction of the U.S. and Israeli Governments." We're speaking with the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, one of the founding editors of The Intercept, Glenn Greenwald. He's joining us from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Stay with us.
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Facebook is being accused of censoring Palestinian activists who protest the Israeli occupation. This comes as Israeli Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked reportedly said in December that Tel Aviv had submitted 158 requests to Facebook over the previous four months asking it to remove content it deemed "incitement," and said Facebook had granted 95 percent of the requests. We speak with Pulitzer Prize winner Glenn Greenwald about his new report for The Intercept headlined "Facebook Says It Is Deleting Accounts at the Direction of the U.S. and Israeli Governments."


Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, we're spending the hour with Glenn Greenwald. His new reportfor The Intercept is about Facebook censorship. It's titled "Facebook Says It Is Deleting Accounts at the Direction of the U.S. and Israeli Governments." In it, he writes that Facebook representatives met with the Israeli government to determine which Facebook accounts of Palestinians should be deleted on the grounds that they constituted, quote, "incitement." Alternatively, Israelis have virtually free rein to post whatever they want about Palestinians, and calls by Israelis for the killing of Palestinians are commonplace on Facebook and largely remain undisturbed. That includes a recent Facebook campaign calling for vengeance against Arabs in retribution for the killing of three Israeli teenagers.
AMY GOODMAN: All of this follows President Trump's recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital and as the Israeli right-wing's push now to doom any attempt at a two-state solution. Today's New York Times reports, quote, "Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's party for the first time has urged the annexation of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, and the nation's top legal officers pressed to extend Israeli law into occupied territory. In addition, the Israeli Parliament, after a late-night debate, voted early Tuesday to enact stiff new obstacles to any potential land-for-peace deal involving Jerusalem." Again, that's in The New York Times today.
Well, for more, we continue our conversation with Glenn Greenwald, the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and founding editor of The Intercept. So, your piece is headlined "Facebook Says It Is Deleting Accounts at the Direction of the U.S. and Israeli Governments." Can you explain exactly which accounts are being deleted and how you found this out?
GLENN GREENWALD: Sure. So, within the last week, Facebook deleted the Facebook account and the Instagram account—Facebook is the owner of Instagram—of the president of the Chechen Republic, Ramzan Kadyrov, who is a pretty monstrous tyrant. I don't think there's much doubt about that. There are very credible reports that he's at least acquiescing to, if not presiding over, the mass detention and torture and, in some cases, killing of LGBTs within his republic. He has killed and kidnapped and tortured political dissidents. He basically has free rein over the republic, although he ultimately reports to Moscow, but he has, essentially, autonomy over how to run the Chechen Republic. He's an awful tyrant. There's no doubt about that.
So, when Facebook decided suddenly to delete the accounts of the head of the state, who had a total of 4 million followers, they didn't say, "The reason we're doing it is because he's an awful tyrant," who has done all the things I just said. What they said was, "The reason we did it is because he was placed on a list that the United States government State Department manages and the Treasury Department manages, in which he is now the target of sanctions, which means that, under the law, we, Facebook, are obligated to obey the dictates of the United States government and no longer allow him to use our services."
Now, this rationale is sort of dubious. There are other people who are on the same list, like the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, and many of his top officials, who continue to use Facebook quite actively. But what the rationale actually means, if you think about it, is that the U.S. government, according to Facebook, now has the power to dictate to Facebook who it is who's allowed to use that platform to communicate with the world, and who will be blocked and who will be banned. And, you know, you can take the position, on the one hand, that Facebook is a private company, and it has the right to determine who uses its platform, which is true. The First Amendment technically doesn't apply to Facebook. But Silicon Valley giants have become so powerful and massive—I would say, in particular, Google, Facebook and Apple—that they're really much more akin now to public utilities, to almost their own private nation-states, than they are to just average corporations that have competition and the like, so that the power to eliminate somebody from Facebook is almost the power to eliminate them from the internet.
And to hear Facebook say it's the U.S. government, the Trump administration, that has the power to tell us who will use Facebook and who can't is extremely chilling, especially since already last year they proved that they were willing to do the same thing when it came to the Israeli government. As you just mentioned, Amy, there's an article in The New York Times today detailing that the Israeli right, which basically is the dominant faction in Israel, is finally being open about the fact that their real goal is not a two-state solution or a peace process, but is the annexation of the West Bank. And these politicians who are now openly advocating this are the same ones who summoned Facebook executives in October of last year to a meeting and directed them to delete the accounts of a huge number of Palestinian activists, journalists, commentators. And Facebook obeyed in almost every one of the cases, even though, as you indicated, Israelis remain free to say the most heinous and awful things about Palestinians, including an incitement.
So you see Facebook now collaborating with the most powerful governments on the planet—the Israelis and the Americans, in particular—to determine who is allowed to speak and who isn't and what messages are allowed to be conveyed and which ones aren't. And it's hard to think of anything more threatening or menacing to internet freedom and the promise of what the internet was supposed to be than behavior like this.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Glenn, is there any indication of the people, the Palestinians who were targeted by the Israeli government, that any of them were under U.S. sanctions, there was any reason for the United States to support this? Or was this basically an Israeli government-Facebook conflict, where the Israeli government insisted, if Facebook wanted to continue operating within Israel and the Occupied Territories, that it would have to do this?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, it was basically just pure bullying and coercion on the part of the Israeli government. What they did was they said to Facebook, "We are going to enact a law that requires you to delete the accounts of the—whatever accounts our government identifies as guilty of incitement. And the only way that you can avoid us enacting this law"—and this law was going to say Facebook's failure to obey will result in massive fines and ultimately could result in the blocking of Facebook in Israel, the way that China blocks Facebook and other companies that don't comply with its censorship orders. "The only way," the Israeli government said to Facebook, "that you can avoid this law is if you voluntarily obey the orders that we give you about who should be deleted." And Facebook, whether because they were driven by business interests of not wanting to lose the Israeli market, or ideology, that they support the Israeli viewpoint of the world, which ever one of those motives might be driving them, or whatever mixture of motives, complied with the Israeli demands.
And I think this is really the critical point that I hope everybody listening thinks about, is there is this growing movement now on the left, in Europe and in the United States, to support censorship as a solution to this kind of growing far-right movement: "Well, let's just ask and plead with Silicon Valley executives to keep fascists offline, or let's hope our government will not allow fascists to speak." And aside from the fact that I think it's incredibly counterproductive, because, generally, when you try and censor movements, you only make them stronger, the premise of this idea, as we can see in this case, is really warped. I mean, the idea that Silicon Valley executives or U.S. government officials are going to use censorship power to help and protect marginalized groups, I think, is absurd. In almost every case when we see these entities using censorship powers, they're using them to target marginalized groups and serve the most powerful. That's why Facebook blocks Palestinians but not Israelis, because Palestinians have no power, and Israelis do. And the more we empower these entities to censor, the more we're going to be endangering marginalized groups, because, ultimately, that's who's going to end up being suppressed.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, Glenn Greenwald, you had this amazing moment in the House and the Senate recently, the hearings with the heads of Google and Twitter and Facebook, where you had this demand on the part of the Republicans and the Democrats for censorship, the Democrats using the pretext of Russia, saying, "Why didn't you delete these accounts?"
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah. I mean, this idea that somehow our political salvation rests in placing into the hands of these already obscenely powerful Silicon Valley executives the further power, which they don't even want to have, to determine what political messages are allowed to be heard on the internet and which ones aren't, to determine who is allowed to communicate on the internet and who isn't, is incredibly menacing.
Just last week, Twitter promulgated a new policy, in response to exactly the kind of demands, Amy, that you were just describing. And this is their policy. They said you are no longer allowed to use Twitter to advocate or incite violence, except if you want the violence to be done by governments or military. So, you're allowed to go on Twitter now and say, "I demand that the U.S. government nuke North Korea out of existence." You're allowed to go on Twitter and say, "I want the Israeli government to incinerate every person in Gaza." But what you're not allowed to do is to go on Twitter and say, "As a Muslim, I believe that it's the responsibility of Muslims to fight back against aggression," or, "As a North Korean, I want to be able to defend against imperialism."
So, under the guise of begging Silicon Valley to save us from bad political speech, what has actually happened is that the most powerful factions are empowered to say whatever they want, and the least powerful factions are the ones who end up censored. And that's always, no matter how well intentioned it is, the result of these kind of calls for censorship.
AMY GOODMAN: And in the end of your piece, you talk about: "[W]ould Facebook ever dare censor American politicians or journalists who use social media to call for violence against America's enemies?" Answer that question, Glenn Greenwald..
GLENN GREENWALD: Right. So, if you look at, for example, Facebook's rationale for why they censored the president of the Chechen Republic, they said, "We had to do it because he was put on a list of people who were sanctioned by the U.S. government." Well, just last month, the Iranian government issued a list of sanctions that included a whole bunch of Canadian officials. The Russian government has issued lists of people who were sanctioned that includes U.S. businesspeople and U.S. officials, as well. Obviously, in a million years, Facebook would never honor the sanctions lists of the Russian government or the Iranian government and remove U.S. officials or Canadian businesspeople. It's purely one-sided. It's only serving the dictates of powerful governments.
And, you know, you can go onto Twitter or you can go onto Facebook pretty much every single day and see calls for extreme amounts of violence to be directed against Iranians, to be directed against people in Gaza or the West Bank, to be directed against people in the Muslim world. And obviously Facebook and Twitter are never going to remove that kind of incitement to violence, because that's consistent with the policy of Western governments. The only people who are going to be removed are people who are otherwise voiceless, who are opposed to Western foreign policy. And that's why it's so ill-advised, so dangerous, no matter how well intentioned, to call for Silicon Valley executives or the U.S. government to start censoring and regulating the kind of political speech we can hear and can express.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Glenn, I wanted to turn to a topic that you've written quite a bit about, the ongoing Mueller investigation over possible collusion between the Trump administration and Russia in attempting to influence the 2016 election. And you've been especially critical of how the corporate and commercial media have dealt with this issue, especially the now-debunked supposed exposé that CNN issued several months ago about an email that seemed to prove that collusion. Could you talk about that and how you're seeing this, as we're heading into 2018 and the continued development of the Mueller investigation?
GLENN GREENWALD: Sure. So, I think a couple of things are important to point out, which is that, from the beginning, I think everybody—I certainly include myself in this and everybody that I've read and heard—has always said that it's obviously possible that the Russian government was the primary culprit when it came to the hacking of the emails of John Podesta and the DNC. It's certainly something that the United States and the Russians do to one another and have done to one another for decades, and so nobody should put it past Putin or the Russians to have done it in this case. And it's certainly also possible that there were people in the Trump campaign who became aware after the fact that this was done and who somehow helped to decide how this information was going to be disseminated.
But I think, given the implications that this issue has, in terms, number one, of the relationship between two extremely dangerous nuclear-armed powers, which is Moscow and Washington, who, on many occasions in the past, have almost obliterated the planet through an exchange of nuclear weapons, and who are, in many places in the world, at loggerheads with one another, as well as the climate in Washington, in which any kind of interaction with Russians now becomes something that is a ground for suspicion—what I've always said is that we have to be very careful, as journalists and as citizens, to make sure that we don't get ahead of ourselves in terms of the claims that we're making, that we have to adhere to the evidence that is available, before we decide that official claims from the CIA and the NSA and the FBI, agencies with a long history of lying and deceit and error—before we accept them as true.
And one of the things that we've seen over the past year or year and a half is large media outlets, in case after case after case after case, acting very recklessly, publishing stories that turned out to be completely false, that needed to be retracted, that got discredited, which is the thing that then enables Donald Trump to try and encourage people not to trust the media. So, no matter your views on Russia—and I think it's really dangerous that the U.S. and Russian relations are probably at their worst point as they've been since the fall of the Soviet Union, something that nobody should think is a good thing—despite all the claims that Trump was going to serve the interests of the Russians, the reality is, the two countries are at great tensions. No matter your views on that, I think that we all have an interest in making sure that our political discourse and that our media reports are grounded in reality and fact. And while Mueller, thus far, has produced four separate indictments, they all have been for either lying to the FBI or for money laundering. None of them have alleged any actual criminal collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russians. And so, what I have said all along, and what I still say, is that we ought to let an investigation proceed 'til the end, look at all of the evidence, and only then reach conclusions about what happened, because it's very dangerous to use supposition and speculation and all kind of guesswork to make accusations that can have really serious consequences. And I think we've seen the dangers of that over the last year.
AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to go to this issue of collusion with Russia, that was also a key focus in President Trump's recent, rare interview with reporter Michael Schmidt of The New York Times, which took place in the Grill Room of Trump's golf club in West Palm Beach, Florida. Near the beginning of the interview, Trump launched into a discussion about Russian collusion. The Times quotes Trump as saying, quote, "Virtually every Democrat has said there is no collusion. There is no collusion. And even these committees that have been set up, if you look at what's going on—and in fact, what it's done is, it's really angered the base and made the base stronger. My base is stronger than it's ever been. Great congressmen, in particular, some of the congressmen have been unbelievable in pointing out what a witch hunt the whole thing is. So, I think it's been proven that there is no collusion. And by the way, I didn't deal with Russia. I won because I was a better candidate by a lot." Trump goes on to repeatedly say, throughout the interview, "There was no collusion." If you can talk about what he says, and talk about his attacks on Mueller? I mean, some say, if he would leave Mueller alone, Mueller will ultimately vindicate him.
GLENN GREENWALD: So, theres' a lot going on there. So, first of all, Trump's statement that all Democrats acknowledge there's no collusion is just a typical Trump lie. There are all kinds of Democrats—in fact, most Democrats—who say that they believe there was collusion. What he is right about, though, is that none of them thus far have presented evidence of collusion. And there's a point in the interview where he says he saw Dianne Feinstein last month on television admitting that there's no evidence of collusion. That's not actually what she said. But it is really instructive to go and watch Dianne Feinstein, who is the senior Democrat on the Intelligence Committee, who gets regular briefings from the CIA about the evidence. She did go on CNN last month and was asked a series of questions about whether she's seen evidence about a whole variety of theories of collusion, and she essentially said, "No, I've never seen any of that evidence." She went on CNN in May and explicitly said, after a CIA briefing, that she's not aware of any evidence of actual collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russians. Now, you have, in this interview, Trump doing what he does, which is constantly lying about what Democrats have said, about the nature of the investigation. I think his attacks on Mueller are incredibly stupid, for the reason that you said, although, hopefully, Mueller, if he's the professional that everyone says he is, won't be affected by those attacks, he'll simply follow the evidence.
But I think what's really going on here, Amy, is this, and this is such an important point: If you look at how our political media works, the part of the political media that is partisan, the way that the right-wing media really grew was during the Clinton years, when people like Rush Limbaugh and the Drudge Report and, ultimately, Fox News fed on scandal after scandal after scandal, of Whitewater and Vince Foster, and then, ultimately, the Ken Starr investigation. And then you had the Fox News growing even more during the Obama years with all kinds of fake scandals. And what you see now is large parts of the media—MSNBC and lots of liberal websites—growing exponentially by constantly not talking about Trump's dangerous foreign policy or his rollback of regulations or his ignoring of climate—the things that actually matter—but this obsession on the Russia scandal. And they're getting great benefits from it. And so, that's what happens, is we have this Balkanized media that feeds the audiences whatever it is that they want to hear, without any journalistic standards. And so the incentive is to constantly inflate and exaggerate and make it as sensationalistic as possible. And people are eating it up, to the profit of these media outlets. And I think that's a lot of what's going on here. And in some sense, when Trump says it's energizing his base, he's right. It's essentially dividing America between "I hate Donald Trump, and therefore will believe everything about Russia that I hear" versus "I love Donald Trump, and I'll believe nothing." And it's just sort of intensifying these divisions.
AMY GOODMAN: We're going to break and then come back to our discussion with Glenn Greenwald, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, one of the founding editors of The Intercept. This is Democracy Now! We'll be back with him in a minute.
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Three major U.S. news outlets in early December promoted a story alleging WikiLeaks had secretly offered the Trump campaign special access to the Democratic National Committee emails before they were published. The reports suggested the correspondence proved collusion between the Trump family and Russia, since the U.S. intelligence community regards WikiLeaks as an "arm of Russian intelligence." It turns out this information was false. The issue of collusion with Russia was also a key focus in President Trump's recent interview with reporter Michael Schmidt of The New York Times, where Trump said repeatedly, "There was no collusion. … There was no collusion." We talk about the probe into Russia collusion and coverage by mainstream media with Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Glenn Greenwald, one of the founding editors of The Intercept.


Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Early [last] month, three major U.S. news outlets all promoted a story alleging that WikiLeaks had secretly offered the Trump campaign special access to Democratic National Committee emails before they were published. The reports suggested the correspondence proved collusion between the Trump family and Russia, since the U.S. intelligence community regards WikiLeaks as an "arm of Russian intelligence." It turns out the information was false.
AMY GOODMAN: So, we continue our conversation with Glenn Greenwald, the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, who writes about this and many other issues. Can you set the record straight, Glenn? You commented on Twitter shortly after this report, saying, quote, "Slate notes because CNN & MSNBC completely refuse to provide even the most minimal transparency about how they got their big story so wrong, we still don't know the answer to the key question—and probably never will, since they're burying it." So, Glenn, talk about what this story was, how it was reported, the sense people are left with who are just fleetingly covering these things—following these things.
GLENN GREENWALD: So, I think it's—yeah, so I think it's worth remembering how dramatized CNN presented the story as being. They really did present it as kind of the smoking gun that would bring down the Trump presidency and, once and for all, prove collusion. And then, shortly after, both MSNBC and CBS said that they confirmed the story independently, and were on air for hours doing the same thing. It was by far the biggest story of the day, being pointed to as evidence that Trump actually did collude with the Russians through WikiLeaks, because what CNN said was that there was an email sent from an unknown person to Donald Trump and Donald Trump Jr., offering them access to the WikiLeaks archive, to the archive of emails that WikiLeaks didn't publish but had pointed to, before WikiLeaks actually made them public, suggesting that the Trump campaign was given special early access to this archive of emails that had been hacked, and thus proving collusion.
And as it turned out, the entire report was false. It was false because it was based on the inaccurate date of this email. The email that was sent to Donald Trump offering this access was not sent before these emails were public. It was sent by some member of the public after the emails were public. It was just some guy saying, "Hey, you should look at these emails," that everybody in the world is already aware of. So the whole story completely collapsed.
Now, all journalists make mistakes. You guys have made mistakes. I've made mistakes as a journalist. And what you do when you make a mistake—and the bigger the mistake, the more this is true—is you have to explain to the public how it is that you got wrong what you got wrong, what went wrong in your process. Did somebody mislead you? Did you make a mistake in your analysis?
And so, what CNN said was that they had multiple sources, multiple sources who told them about this email and who characterized it in this way, that this email took place and was sent before these emails were public. And as it turned out, that was wrong. So the question that arose is an obvious question. It's a really important question, which is—it's plausible that one person could look at this email and just misread the date. The date that they said it was was September 4th. It was really September 14. You can see one person misreading a date. But CNN said multiple sources gave them the date of September 4th. Then, MSNBC and CBS said the same thing. How did multiple sources all get this wrong? How did they all get the date wrong in exactly the same way, for exactly the same purpose?
So, CNN and CBS and MSNBC were forced to admit their story was false, because The Washington Post got a hold of the email and showed that it was false. But what they refused to do is what journalists demand every day that other people do, that other companies and corporations do, that government officials do, which is provide transparency about their mistakes. To this day, CNN refuses to say who these sources were who gave them the wrong date, how it is that they all got the date wrong, innocently, in good faith. Was it a deliberate attempt to deceive the public?
And that's what erodes trust in media outlets, which is: When they clam up and hide behind corporate and lawyer statements and refuse to provide basic transparency about their own behavior, how do they then have credibility to turn around and demand transparency from government institutions and officials or from corporations, when they refuse to provide it themselves? And to me, to date, that is the most disturbing part of this story, is that it's not just a huge mistake, it's not just a huge mistake that's been one in a long series of similar mistakes all geared toward the same political agenda, which is to inflate the Trump-Russia story; it's their refusal to explain what happened, how they made such a monumental mistake, and whether they were deliberately misled or whether it was some kind of bizarre coincidental accident that multiple people all made at the same time.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Glenn, I wanted to ask you about something else, an article that you wrote about in September. It was shortly after Sean Spicer's being—having been ousted from the White House, gets an appearance at the Emmy Awards. And you talked about the quickness by which disgraced people in previous administrations in Washington suddenly get rehabilitated. And especially you listed all of the Bush administration people, because somehow now the Bush administration, the former people in that administration, are now being welcomed, and even on many of the liberal talk shows on commercial television.
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, I think that if you were to go back and look at not just the Bush years, but also the Obama years, the person, the journalist or pundit or commentator who was probably the single most disgraced and discredited was the neoconservative editor-in-chief of The Weekly Standard, Bill Kristol. It wasn't just that he was this incredibly vocal advocate of the Iraq War. His sins and crimes extend way beyond that. He advocated for torture. He was one of the people who wanted to go and go to war with Iran and have regime change in Tehran. During the Obama years, he accused Justice Department lawyers who had represented Guantánamo detainees of being jihadists and called them "the al-Qaeda Seven." I mean, he's one of the scummiest and least ethical smear artists in American politics over the course of 30 years, somebody who has constantly lied, defended the most atrocious policies. And suddenly, last year, because he became a critic of Donald Trump, he's now welcomed on MSNBC, almost on a daily basis, talked about as though he's some kind of person whose insights are to be valued, who is a person of high ethics.
And this is what I think you see in American politics all the time, is people who have no accountability for what it is that they do. We've been—we've spent some time talking about why the American media is held in such low esteem on the part of the public. I think that's one of the reasons. In ordinary life, if you go to your job and you make a series of horrendous mistakes, you're going to be fired, and it's going to be hard for you to find a job. But people who work in journalism or people who work in politics, like David Frum, who spent years just outright lying to the American public about the most—the weightiest matters, continue to get promoted. One of the most prestigious journals in American political life is The Atlantic, and the editor-in-chief of The Atlantic is Jeffrey Goldberg, who in 2002 and 2003 was writing articles in The New Yorker saying that Saddam Hussein had a relationship with al-Qaeda and sort of laundering every horrible lie that the Bush administration was telling that sparked the Iraq War. And all these people do is continue to rise and get embraced and get rehabilitated, because there's zero accountability. The more power you have, the more you are able to commit all kinds of grave sins and lies and crimes, and continue to succeed. And it really ought to be the opposite. And I think, in media, you see that probably more than anywhere else.
AMY GOODMAN: And what's happening with Sean Spicer, as Juan started off that question?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, the example of Sean Spicer is particularly amazing, because I think most people are in agreement that the Trump administration has systematically lied to the public. All governments lie, as I.F. Stone famously observed. But the Trump administration has taken that to an entirely new level. And the face of that for the first six months of the administration was Sean Spicer, who stood in front of the public and lied on a daily basis. He ought to be disqualified from public life in every decent institution. And yet there he was—I forget whether it was the Academy Awards or the Emmy Awards—being feted by Hollywood.
The most amazing thing of all was that he was given a fellowship at Harvard in the Kennedy School, which is the same program that originally gave a fellowship to Chelsea Manning, who risked her liberty in order to provide the most valuable journalistic archive that we have in American journalism, which is the archive that she gave to WikiLeaks about the Iraq and the Afghanistan War. She was part of that same fellowship program that Sean Spicer received, and yet the CIA objected to Chelsea Manning being given this honor, and Harvard turned around and instantly rescinded the offer to Chelsea Manning, saying, "We have to preserve the integrity of this program," while allowing not just Sean Spicer, but Corey Lewandowski, a former top Trump campaign official, who lied repeatedly, to become part of that same program. And I think that's the point that I'm getting at, is Chelsea Manning has no power in Washington, and therefore there's accountability for her. She spent seven years in a brutal prison and now has her offer rescinded, at the demand of the CIA, by Harvard. But people like Sean Spicer and Corey Lewandowski, who continue to wield influence in Washington, or David Frum and Jeffrey Goldberg and Bill Kristol, continue to climb the ladder of success—
AMY GOODMAN: Glenn—
GLENN GREENWALD: —no matter what it is that they do. And that's a really skewed incentive scheme.
AMY GOODMAN: We have to leave it there. I thank you so much for being with us. Glenn Greenwald, we'll link to your pieces, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist.
And we end today's show with the news that here in New York City, anti-police brutality activist Erica Garner died Saturday, after she fell into a coma following an asthma-induced heart attack. She was just 27 years old, the daughter of Eric Garner. She struggled for justice in her father's case, who died in a police chokehold as he gasped "I can't breathe" 11 times.
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