Wednesday, November 12, 2014

VETERANS DAY, IRAQ, PTSD, INTIFADA. PALESTINE


THE ABSURD TIMES




 



THIRD INTIFADA

            We start out with the "I Told You So" section.  We warned of the Third Intifada which has finally started to gain currency in corporate media.  The constant theft and confiscation of Palestinian land and property, prefaced with the slaughter of over 2,000 Palestinian civilians, has started resistance from a surprisingly moderate people.  Now, the attacks on the Holy Mosque in Jerusalem (Mohammed is supposed to have ascended to Heaven from there) and the religious excuses about extending the "Holy Wall" INTO THAT MOSQUE has led Abbas to say Israel has declared a "Holy War".  It will not stand.

            Someone in the White House has called Nitwityahoo a "Chicken-Shit" or Karah Dejaje (a transliteration as best we can do of the Arabic for it).  Each cabinet member in turn who has been accused of it, has talked about "vulgar language" (never used in the White house, ever) and denied it.  All this tells us is that, at least in respect to Israel, our government is chicken shit.

THE NEW CONGRESS

            This is short.  John of Orange, current Speaker of the House, gave these words of wisdom "If you play with matches, you're going to get burnt."  This is Republican wisdom for the ages.  None of this Ben Franklin stuff, nope.

VETERANS DAY

            And this bring us to the topic.  We just passed Veterans' Day.  We've always been wondering why the announcers on the BBC were wearing these things on their shirts and coats that looked like orange guitars.  They had a black spot in the place where the hole would be and perhaps it was the microphone?  Nope, the thing is supposed to remind you of a poppy to commemorate the British War dead.

            Well, we have fireworks, pass out medals, and have specials on HBO.  Once the day is over, thank God.  We can forget about all the veterans for another year.  Hearing some of these sanctimonious farts talking about "sacrifice," especially in wars started by people who avoided service during Viet Nam, is disgusting enough.

            [I have to interject a personal experience here.  I was interning at the VA in the Drug and Alcohol Rehab section for awhile.  Many of the Vets were suffering from obvious cases of PTSD and alcohol (and sometimes heroin) were nice escapes.  The worse cases were those who had been on some sort of speed (they didn't know what, but once out it was meth or cocaine).  Somehow they remembered what they did more.
            At any rate, once I was simply doing the intake, a simple history, when a door nearby was slammed.  The guy immediately hit the ground and was under the desk.  I simply got down, say in a semi-lotus position, and continued the intake, not remarking on the action at all.  He was grateful afterwards.]
            The point is, these men, many of whom were conscripted, others volunteered because no other employment was available, or because they felt "patriotic" after 9/11 all suffered from the actions of large weapons manufacturers and contractors and were abandoned there after.
            Here is an interview about Thomas Young, one of these vets, now dead, and Phil Donahue and others about the entire situation, reminding us of how corporate media handled the situation:


TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 2014

Paralyzed Iraq War Vet Turned Peace Activist Tomas Young Dies on Eve of Veterans Day

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As the nation marks Veterans Day, we remember the Iraq War veteran Tomas Young, who died this week at the age of 34. He enlisted in the military just after the Sept. 11 attacks. In 2004 he was sent to serve in Iraq. On April 4th–his fifth day in Iraq–Young’s unit came under fire in the Baghdad neighborhood of Sadr City. Young was shot and left paralyzed, never to walk again. Young returned home and became an active member of Iraq Veterans Against the War. He remained in and out of the hospital for the rest of his life. Young was later featured in the documentary "Body of War" directed by Ellen Spiro and the legendary television broadcaster Phil Donahue. We broadcast excerpts of the film and past Democracy Now! interviews with Young. Donahue joins us in studio to discuss the impact Young made in the antiwar and veteran communities and the making the film, which was nominated for an Academy Award.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: As the nation marks Veterans Day, we begin today’s show remembering the Iraq War veteran Tomas Young, who died this week at the age of 34. In 2004 he was sent to Iraq. On April 4th–his fifth day in Iraq -Tomas Young’s unit came under fire in the Baghdad neighborhood of Sadr City. Tomas was shot, left paralyzed, never to walk again. Tomas returned home to become an active member of Iraq Veterans Against the War. He remained in and out of a hospital for the rest of his life. Tomas was later featured in the documentary Body of War, directed by Ellen Spiro and the legendary television broadcaster Phil Donahue. In a moment, Phil Donahue will join us in the studio, but first we turn to an excerpt from the film featuring Tomas Young speaking in 2005 at the Lafayette Presbyterian Church in Brooklyn, New York, about President George W. Bush and the Iraq War.
TOMAS YOUNG: You’ll have to excuse me for a little bit; I get a little lightheaded every now and again. So hold on. I’d also like to—that during this speech, I may say the word "uh" a lot and stammer a little bit, so forgive me for sounding a bit presidential.
I called my recruiter on around September 13, 2001, when, if you all can remember, the president stood on the rubble with a bullhorn and said we were going to get the evil-doers that did this. And, oh, man, hold on a second; I’m starting to—thank you. Alright, let’s hope that’s a little better. But—and he led the rah-rah around the country and got everybody really excited, and I was excited. And I wanted to go to Afghanistan and get the people that did this to us. But after I joined the Army, it became clearer and clearer to me that we weren’t going to go to Afghanistan, that we were going to go to Iraq.
And more and more, it began to feel—with statements like George Bush saying that he sought the approval of a higher father than his own and things like that, it really concerned me that President Bush was trying to use Jesus Christ as an advocate for the war, but I always remembered, at least from the Bible that I read, Jesus Christ was always about peaceful things and love and "whatsoever you do unto the least, my brother, you do unto me." And it just shocks me that a man who tries to live his life by such devout Christian philosophies seems to skew so much on this one issue.
I don’t really—I have to—excuse me, again. Sorry, it’s a little hard to regulate my body temperature, and it is hot up here.
But I heard somebody once say that the only thing necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing. So just everybody keep together and stay strong, and one day we’ll get what we need to get done. And thank you all for waiting, and I hope I didn’t disappoint.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Tomas Young speaking in 2005. It was broadcast in the documentary Body of War. He died this week at the age of 34. Joining us now, the legendary talk show host Phil Donahue, who co-directed the film Body of War. So, we believe late on Sunday night, early Monday morning, Tomas died at home with his wife Claudia in Seattle. They had just moved there, Phil. Can you talk about how you came to know Tomas?
PHIL DONAHUE: I met Tomas Young in '05. He was shot in April of ’04, so we're 10 years and seven months later now, during which time he has been trapped in a bed. And I was with Ralph Nader, and he said a mother at Walter Reed wants to see me, "Do you want to go?" I said, "Yeah." So, off we go, and here is this young 24-year-old, in bed, whacked out on morphine, having just arrived from Landstuhl, whacked out on morphine. And his mother, as we stood, as I stood and looked on, his mother explained his injury to me. Tomas is a T4—that’s between the shoulder blades. So a bullet came down and exited T4 on the spine, so he’s paralyzed from the nipples down.
And, you know, I said, "People should see this. This is the most sanitized war of my lifetime. If you’re going to send all these young men and women to war, show the pain. Don’t sanitize the war." And five years later, we came out with this film, this documentary, Body of War, which, by the way, won a lot of awards, was on the shortlist for an Oscar, but we sold no popcorn. This is not a take-your-girl-to-the-movie movie, but it is available on Netflix.
AMY GOODMAN: Let’s go to another clip of Body of War. Tomas Young lists the array of medications he has to take every day. The list is interspersed with the Senate roll call vote authorizing the Iraq War. But first, you hear the voices of President Bush and supporters of war around the time Congress voted to authorize the invasion.
PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: Saddam Hussein is harboring terrorists.
REP. ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN: Harbors these terrorists.
SEN. HILLARY CLINTON: Aid, comfort and sanctuary to terrorists.
PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: We know that Iraq and the al-Qaeda terrorist network share a common enemy: the United States of America.
TOMAS YOUNG: Wonder if the Bushes and the people at Fox News and people like that had a big sigh of relief when the hurricane hit. "I know it’s a horrible tragedy," they must have said, "but thank God we don’t have to talk about Cindy."
*My pillbox separates them out for the week. This is Carbamazepine. It is a nerve pain medication.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Ms. Collins, aye.
TOMAS YOUNG: This is a drug called Coumadin, and it’s a blood thinner.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Craig, aye.
TOMAS YOUNG: This is Tizanidine. It’s an anti-spasm medication.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Crapo, aye.
TOMAS YOUNG: This is Gabapentin.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Daschle.
TOMAS YOUNG: It’s a nerve pain medication.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Aye.
TOMAS YOUNG: This is Buproprion.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. DeWine.
TOMAS YOUNG: It’s an antidepressant.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Aye.
TOMAS YOUNG: This is Omeprazole.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Dodd.
TOMAS YOUNG: It’s for morning nausea.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Aye.
TOMAS YOUNG: And this is morphine. It’s a narcotic. And in this situation, the effect is not to get high, but to kill pain. And so, I have to take more and more of it to stop the pain.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Tomas Young interspersed with the vote for war in Congress. Phil Donahue, before we go to break, how you came to know Tomas in the making of this film?
PHIL DONAHUE: Well, after meeting him at Walter Reed, I thought about a book, and then I thought, "Well, I’ve been in TV. My pictures—my career has had moving pictures." And although I had never made a film, I called—DeeDee Halleck, who is a longtime progressive figure, who was responsible for DISH TV, who I met on an airplane—
AMY GOODMAN: The legendary public access producer.
PHIL DONAHUE: Yeah, yes. And she gave me a number, and I called. And a woman answered, and I said, "Hello, I’m Phil Donahue." And she said, "No, you’re not." And I thought, "Well, thank God she recognizes me." This is a cold call. We met at the Kansas City airport and went directly to see Tomas, and she immediately embraced the idea. And she turned out to be fabulous. I got very lucky. I mean, she didn’t know me, really, and I certainly didn’t know her. And somehow, she survived this almost five-year professional relationship with me. And her work is very evident in the film, I think.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re going to go to break, and when we come back, we’re going to look at Tomas over the years after he returned from Iraq. He was wounded April 4th, 2004, in Sadr City, the same day that Casey Sheehan, the son of Cindy Sheehan, the well-known peace activist, was also killed. This is Democracy Now! We’ll be back in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: That’s Eddie Vedder singing the song "No More." It was a song he wrote for Tomas Young and for the film Body of War. Our guest today is Phil Donahue, who made that film with Ellen Spiro, as we remember Tomas Young. I’m Amy Goodman. This is Democracy Now! As the nation marks Veterans Day, we remember Tomas Young, who died just weeks shy of his 35th birthday. On April 4th, 2004—his fifth day in Iraq—Tomas Young’s unit came under fire in the Baghdad neighborhood of Sadr City. Tomas was shot, left paralyzed, never to walk again.
In 2008, Tomas Young appeared on Democracy Now! We had just come back from the Winter Soldier hearings in Maryland, where soldiers testified about the war. And many of those soldiers had last been, just a few days before, in Austin at South by Southwest, and they had seen the release of Body of War. I talked to Tomas Young and asked him to talk about the response to the film and what it meant to him.
TOMAS YOUNG: Well, it’s been an amazing honor to travel the country with this music that I’m putting out on this album and the movie that has been an amazing experience to make, and to reach out to soldiers that are speaking out against this war and to try to touch lives on an individual basis has been an incredible experience. But right off the bat, I have to address something that Dick Cheney said yesterday in response to the—
AMY GOODMAN: Maybe we have a clip. Maybe we have a clip of what Dick Cheney had to say. Let’s give it a try. I think this is from our headlines today. This is the vice president, Dick Cheney.
VICE PRESIDENT DICK CHENEY: The president carries the biggest burden, obviously. He’s the one who has to make the decision to commit young Americans, but we are fortunate to have a group of men and women, an all-volunteer force, who voluntarily put on the uniform and go in harm’s way for the rest of us.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Dick Cheney. Tomas Young, was that the quote you would like to address?
TOMAS YOUNG: Absolutely. From one of those soldiers who volunteered to go to Afghanistan after September 11th, which was where the evidence said we needed to go, to the master of the college deferment in Vietnam, the last conflict we didn’t go into voluntarily, many of us volunteered with patriotic feelings in our heart, only to see them subverted and bastardized by the administration and sent into the wrong country. Yes, we volunteered, but we didn’t volunteer where you sent us to go. And I realize that we don’t choose where we get to go, but we at least should be sent in the right places to defend the Constitution, just as we volunteered to do. That’s all.
AMY GOODMAN: Tomas, I wanted to go to a part of the film, Body of War, which was the White House Correspondents’ Dinner of 2005. It’s very interesting, because you were watching it. It includes President Bush joking around about the missing WMDs, as well as first lady Laura Bush. This is the clip.
PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: Those weapons of mass destruction got to be somewhere. Nope, no weapons over there. Maybe under here.
LAURA BUSH: I said to him the other day, "George, if you really want to end tyranny in the world, you’re going to have to stay up later." Ladies and gentlemen, I am a desperate housewife.
CATHY SMITH: They’re so insulated. They don’t want to know about people like Tomas and the 4 or 5 percent of the population that is actually sacrificing for this war.
AMY GOODMAN: That last voice is Tomas Young’s mother, Cathy Smith. Tomas Young is shown in the film watching the White House Correspondents’ Dinner and hugging his little brother. Tomas, your reaction to the skit?
TOMAS YOUNG: Well, my reaction is twofold. I’d like to tell Laura Bush that there are probably several—there are probably a couple thousand desperate housewives who are quite missing their husbands and would love to have their husbands there to go to bed early before 9:00. And for the president to be so glib about a lie that he told the American people and my brothers and sisters in arms to get us to go to war so blindly and patriotically for this country, it’s offensive to me as a soldier, first, and as an American, second. And now, that clip that I was watching was recorded from the year previous, so I had a full year for that wound to fester and boil, as far as my anger and resentment at the president making that joke and looking around the Oval Office as if the weapons of mass destruction were under his desk.
AMY GOODMAN: Tomas, I wanted to go to, well, near the end of the film, when you meet Democratic Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia. We’ve been playing his impassioned speeches on the floor of the Senate, which figure prominently in the film. In this clip, Senator Byrd proudly reads to you the names of all the 23 senators who voted against authorizing the invasion of Iraq.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: I’m going to read you the names of these—
TOMAS YOUNG: The immortal 23?
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: The immortal 23. All right, here we are. H.J. Res. 114, that’s the resolution.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Senators voting in the negative.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Here are the 23: Akaka.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Akaka, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Bingaman.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Bingaman, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Boxer.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mrs. Boxer, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Byrd. B-Y-R-D, right there.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Byrd, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Chafee, Republican.
TOMAS YOUNG: He’s a good man.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Chafee, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: He stood with us. Conrad.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Conrad, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: What’s that one?
TOMAS YOUNG: Look like Jon Corzine.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Corzine, yeah.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Corzine, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: I don’t have my glasses on. What’s that one there?
TOMAS YOUNG: Dayton.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Dayton, yeah. God bless him. He’s leaving us after this year.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Dayton, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Who’s that?
TOMAS YOUNG: That’s Senator Durbin.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Durbin. This one?
TOMAS YOUNG: Senator Feingold.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Feingold.
TOMAS YOUNG: That would be Bob Graham from Florida, I think, Senator.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Yes, it would be.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Durbin, no. Mr. Feingold, no. Mr. Graham of Florida, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: And we go all the way down here to Daniel Inouye.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Inouye—
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: There’s a man who has really sacrificed. He gave his arm.
TOMAS YOUNG: From Hawaii, yeah.
SENATE ROLL CALL: No.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Yes, sir. He’s a real hero.
TOMAS YOUNG: Here’s another one of my heroes.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Jim Jeffords.
TOMAS YOUNG: Senator Jeffords, the one that switched sides of the aisle.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: He’s one of my heroes, too.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Jeffords, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Kennedy, Leahy and Levin.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Leahy, Mr. Levin, no, no, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Mikulski.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Ms. Mikulski, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Murray.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mrs. Murray—
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Patty Murray.
SENATE ROLL CALL: No.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Reed from Rhode Island, Sarbanes.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Reed of Rhode Island, no. Mr. Sarbanes, no.
TOMAS YOUNG: Stabenow.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Yeah, Debbie Stabenow.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Ms. Stabenow, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Wellstone, that’s the man who gave his life shortly thereafter.
TOMAS YOUNG: And then Wyden.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: And Wyden. He’s still here.
SENATE ROLL CALL: Mr. Wellstone, no. Mr. Wyden, no.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Twenty-three. Seventy-seven to 23. The immortal 23. Our founders would be so proud. Thank you for your service. Man, you’ve made a great sacrifice. You served your country well.
TOMAS YOUNG: As have you, sir.
SEN. ROBERT BYRD: Thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you.
AMY GOODMAN: The late Senator Robert Byrd meeting with and talking to the late Iraq War veteran and peace activist Tomas Young. It’s from the film Body of War, which was co-directed by our guest today, Phil Donahue. What a moment, Phil.
PHIL DONAHUE: Yeah, yeah. It was a—it was a chapter of our lives. I mean, none of us who worked on this film had been that close to such a debilitating injury, and it was a spiritual experience we’ll never forget.
AMY GOODMAN: You have a very difficult section of Body of War showing Tomas Young’s mother, Cathy Smith, helping him insert a catheter.
TOMAS YOUNG: Alright. I’m going to lift up, and you’re going to slip that under me.
CATHY SMITH: OK.
TOMAS YOUNG: OK. This is hard to do from this angle. Help me out here, Mom?
CATHY SMITH: Yeah.
TOMAS YOUNG: Must be hard. I’ve been meaning to change those. OK, now, in this bag, you’re going to take this lube out. OK. Instead of lubing up the end of that, you’re going to lube the head of the penis.
CATHY SMITH: OK.
TOMAS YOUNG: 'Cause it uses less lube. You're just going to lube right over the hole.
CATHY SMITH: Like that?
TOMAS YOUNG: And now you’re just going to insert the catheter. And I really kind of wanted you to put the glove on the hand that was going to put the catheter in, but OK. You seriously can push in a little quicker than that.
CATHY SMITH: No, I can’t.
TOMAS YOUNG: Are you nervous?
CATHY SMITH: Yeah, I have never done this before.
TOMAS YOUNG: OK.
CATHY SMITH: Is it coming out?
TOMAS YOUNG: Yeah, it’s coming out. Hey, Mom! We generally tend to watch what goes on up there.
CATHY SMITH: I’m trying to move it so it doesn’t just go everywhere.
TOMAS YOUNG: Good plan. You saw that works swimmingly. Look at that, you’ve got pee on your hand.
CATHY SMITH: I know. You know what? It’s not the first time I’ve had your pee on my hand.
AMY GOODMAN: That’s Tomas Young’s mother, Cathy Smith, with Tomas, as she tried to help him insert a catheter. That moment, Phil, they were in Washington, D.C., right? At an antiwar protest?
PHIL DONAHUE: No, that was en route to—oh, wait a minute. Ellen shot that en route to, I think, see Nathan off, her other—her younger son. And—
AMY GOODMAN: Well, this is very important, see him off to war.
PHIL DONAHUE: Right. They all—they went, and we have that scene in the film of her saying goodbye to her younger son. And she explains, "I could get him out." You know, she’s already sacrificed one son. They don’t—but he wanted to go. So, brothers. And, of course, he’s a big boy now, and she was not able to talk him out of signing up to serve.
AMY GOODMAN: So, Tomas Young became very active in Iraq Veterans Against the War. Can you talk about his activism and his struggle against his pain?
PHIL DONAHUE: Well, he was a member of Iraq Vets Against the War. A lot of relationships developed between Tomas and other members of that group. He was hugely impressive in his speeches, although he often had to stop because his respiratory system was not as it should be because of the paralysis.
AMY GOODMAN: And he would bend over in his wheelchair.
PHIL DONAHUE: Right, and have to gather more oxygen for himself. In hot weather, he would put gels in his—in a vest, ice gels from the freezer into the vest, just to cool his body temperature. I mean, these are just some of the things that people didn’t see. People didn’t see the cleaning of the bedsores and the changing of the bed clothing after the catheter broke, the urinary tract infection. I mean, it’s just—the more you see this—and there are thousands and thousands of homes in this country, as we speak, dealing with this kind of burden that turns the whole family upside down. And nobody sees it.
AMY GOODMAN: In February of 2013, Tomas Young stunned an audience gathered to watch the film, Body of War, when he joined them via Skype after the film and made this announcement. You have to listen closely.
TOMAS YOUNG: In July of last year, I began to experience sharp pains in my abdomen. And I went to the VA, and they treated me like I was a second-class citizen, a junkie looking for pain medicines just to get high, even though I was genuinely in pain. I went to a private hospital, was treated much better. They suggested a colostomy, where they would remove my colon. I thought that would reduce the pain. It did for a few days, but the pain came rocketing back. And I decided to go on hospice care, where I have a pump that provides the same IV medications the hospital provided. And after my one-year anniversary with my wife, I will begin to wean myself off of food and one day go away.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Tomas Young announcing he would die. He couldn’t tolerate the pain. Claudia Cuellar, his wife, was sitting next to him on this Skype. After the showing of Body of War in Litchfield, Connecticut, Phil, when did you get word of this, that he was planning to do this? You heard that night? Were you in Litchfield?
PHIL DONAHUE: I did. I heard, I think, a—I’m guessing the week before. He called me, a Saturday morning. And, you know, I have to say, I couldn’t—you know, if you say, "Oh, Tomas, please don’t, Tomas," you know, you suddenly realize it’s a selfish thing to say. You’re saying, "I want you to live." And you’re not really appreciating or at least having some empathy for what he wants. So, even when he made that announcement at a Litchfield theater, Litchfield, Connecticut, the audience was very, I would say, sympathetic toward his decision. I’m sure there were many there who wished he wasn’t doing this, but they understood it. And that was a remarkable—
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk to about the deterioration to the point where we saw? What caused him, in the end—
PHIL DONAHUE: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: —although he was always in pain—
PHIL DONAHUE: Yeah.
AMY GOODMAN: —to be experiencing such severe pain? We’re talking about 10 years after his injury.
PHIL DONAHUE: Right. Tomas, about—it’s all a blur to me now, but I’ll have to think six, seven years ago, after we had completed the film, sustained a swollen right arm, and it hurt. And they went immediately to the emergency room, and they gave him pain pills at the VA. And he came home, and I think a few—not longer after that, he was discovered in a coma. Tomas sustained a pulmonary embolism, which, as you know, is oxygen deprivation to the brain. And you heard his speech there, how his speech was—is now—came very labored. And he also couldn’t hold silverware. He couldn’t—he could bend his fingers, but he couldn’t—and he had to be fed. And they had to find a corner in a restaurant on those few times when they went out, so that people wouldn’t stare at them as she fed him. These are just some of the things people didn’t see in this sanitized war.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, last year, after Tomas made this announcement, he joined us on Democracy Now! A TV crew went to his house in Kansas City, and they filmed him as he and his wife, Claudia, came on Democracy Now! And he read an open letterhe wrote called "A Message to George W. Bush and Dick Cheney from a Dying Veteran." Listen carefully. This is an excerpt.
TOMAS YOUNG: "I write this letter, my last letter, to you, Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney. I write not because I think you grasp the terrible human and moral consequences of your lies, manipulation and thirst for wealth and power. I write this letter because, before my own death, I want to make it clear that I, and hundreds of thousands of my fellow veterans, along with millions of my fellow citizens, along with hundreds of millions more in Iraq and the Middle East, know fully who you are and what you’ve done."
AMY GOODMAN: That was Tomas Young. Ultimately, at that time, he decided not to take his own life. After reading that, he got so much enormous response all over the country. But they moved to Seattle, and he died in his sleep late Sunday night, early Monday morning.
PHIL DONAHUE: Mm-hmm, yes, he did. And Claudia called me on very early Monday morning. It was on my cellphone. You know, and I’ve been waiting for the call for 10 years. I have to say that. You know, every time her or his area code came up, I thought, "This is it." So, finally, it happened, and he’s at peace. And we can—we have to take some positive away from this. I think Tomas made an enormous impact on those that he met and those people who saw him and what he went through. He was really the—he was the town crier for all of those other veterans. We’re up now to over—is it over?—almost 3,000 in Afghanistan. Afghanistan. So we’re coming up on 6,000 in Iraq and Afghanistan—irreplaceable human beings who will, you know, never see a child confirmed, holy communion, bar mitzvah—all the wonderful things in life that they will never, ever experience because of this massive blunder.
AMY GOODMAN: And that is the American soldiers. As Tomas would point out—
PHIL DONAHUE: Yes, he would.
AMY GOODMAN: —we don’t know the number—
PHIL DONAHUE: Yes, he would.
AMY GOODMAN: —of Iraqis and Afghans who have died.
PHIL DONAHUE: Right, we don’t. We’re not even sure. And certainly over four million refugees, people living out of laundry bags.


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TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 2014

Legendary Talk Show Host Phil Donahue on the Silencing of Antiwar Voices in U.S. Media

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Phil Donahue is one of the best-known talk show hosts in U.S. television history. The Phil Donahue Show was on the air for almost 30 years, until 1996. In 2002, Donahue returned to the airwaves, but was fired by MSNBC on the eve of the 2003 U.S.-led war in Iraq because he was allowing antiwar voices on the air. We talk to Donahue about his firing and the silencing of antiwar voices by the corporate media — that continues to this day.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: Phil, you, after your legendary career, what, 29 years on The Phil Donahue Show, you came back and were a—continued to broadcast on MSNBC, prime-time slot, right before the invasion of Iraq. You were the most popular show onMSNBC at the time. And then right before the war, you were unceremoniously dumped. And a secret, later, memo came out of NBC that they didn’t want to have an antiwar voice in their flagship show as the other networks were waving the American flag.
PHIL DONAHUE: Yes, that was a memo published by The New York Times, and it was written up by a Republican pollster, who took a survey, where they put 25 people in a room and showed them one of my aggressive programs, and most of the people didn’t like me, was the result. I was called in to Neal Shapiro’s office and informed.
AMY GOODMAN: He was at NBC at the time.
PHIL DONAHUE: He was then, yeah; he’s now head of PBS here in New York. So, it was definitely a political termination. And it’s interesting, because during that time, they were terrified. This is—you should know that this is October through—say, August through January—August of ’02 through January and February. The invasion was April of 2003.
AMY GOODMAN: March.
PHIL DONAHUE: And I was gone by then. But this is not long after the towers. And so, you know, corporate media—
AMY GOODMAN: You were replaced by Michael Savage.
PHIL DONAHUE: I was replaced by Michael Savage. So, they couldn’t wait to outfox Fox. And I had to have two conservatives for every liberal. And they wanted me to do entertainers. You know, don’t do political. It’s a very interesting study in the thinking at that time. Liberals were terrifying to them. They were afraid of liberals. Liberals weren’t patriotic. Liberals were blaming the victim. Dissent was totally, totally unwelcome and unpatriotic.
AMY GOODMAN: And yet, you persisted, knowing the climate.
PHIL DONAHUE: Well, I guess so, I mean, you know, at my own peril. But, you know, no sad songs for me. I’m a lucky guy. You know, I got a little money. But we have to wonder whose voice wasn’t heard, you know? That didn’t have the kind of ability to do this kind of thing and at least survive a little while.
AMY GOODMAN: Well—
PHIL DONAHUE: And interesting—interesting, really. At that time, half the political voice in this nation was silenced, really. And I believe most people at that time opposed this war. Most people did. What are we—why—how come over there? And yet, every metropolitan—every major metropolitan newspaper in this country supported the invasion of Iraq. Think about that for a minute. Every major metropolitan—this is what you can do with the politics of fear, that Bush took this whole nation and the whole media establishment by the ear and led it right into the sword. Amazing, in the land of free speech, free press.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see the same thing happening again right now?
PHIL DONAHUE: Well, obviously, you can see that it has slowed us up. But it looks like that’s all it’s done. And while we have been, you know, hesitant and not "bring them on" with the war lust that we had then, mission creep is underway. What happens when somebody is taken prisoner? I mean, we have become a warrior nation, and we have no respect for diplomacy. And we’ve just stood mute while the Constitution has been just shredded. This is a nation of law, unless we’re scared.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, Phil, you certainly continued to provide a voice for people to speak for themselves in the making of this remarkable film, as we remember Tomas Young, who died just shy of his 35th birthday, Iraq War veteran, active member of Iraq Veterans Against the War. If you want to see his reading of his full letter, his letter from a dying soldier, a dying veteran, to George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, you can go to our website at democracynow.org.
And you spoke of being a lucky guy, Phil. Well, another of the reasons you are so lucky is your wonderful wife, Marlo Thomas. And I want to congratulate you and her. Among the 19 recipients of this year’s Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor, is the award-winning actress, producer, author, activist, Marlo Thomas, who is the wife of our guest, Phil Donahue, or he is her husband. The White House said in a statement, quote, "Whether championing equality for girls and women, giving voice to the less fortunate, breaking barriers by portraying one of television’s first single working women on That Girl, or teaching children to be "Free to Be You and Me," Thomas inspires us all to dream bigger and reach higher." The awards will be presented at the White House on November 24th.
PHIL DONAHUE: I’m going to the White House.
AMY GOODMAN: Congratulations.
PHIL DONAHUE: I’ll say hello for you.
AMY GOODMAN: When we come back, we’re going to play some clips, on this Veterans Day, of veterans’ voices. We’ll be bringing you StoryCorps. Thanks so much, Phil.
PHIL DONAHUE: Pleasure.
AMY GOODMAN: Will you be talking to President Obama, perhaps, about any of the issues we’ve talked about today?
PHIL DONAHUE: Well, it’s not likely I’ll get that opportunity. So, I’ll be a good husband and try to stay small—not easy for a talk show host.
AMY GOODMAN: Phil Donahue, our guest. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. Back in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: "Stray Bullets" by Tom Morello. Yesterday, he posted a message on Twitter reading, "Rest in peace Tomas Young. Warrior for peace, Veterans against war, herb enthusiast, wise friend. Wrote this for him." This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman.


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Wednesday, November 05, 2014

The Good of This Election


The Good of This Election



First of all, I apologize to those of you who got the strange post from my on "How to Vote".  It's the last time I try to post online, live, while using a portable laptop in a moving vehicle.  Also, the site only sends out the first version, not the corrected one, so I simply deleted that one sentence thing.

So, welcome to the kinder, gentler, Absurd Times.  It will be wry, however.  I just like that word wry.  Those of you who are in Moldovia or Ukraine and use Google Translate to read this, good luck.  (However, in Russian it is перекошенный. which comes out as "wry."  Very wry outcome, in my opinion.

OK.  So, what do we get from this last election?

Instead of trying to cover the folly in an article, I took to Twitter (Absurd Times @honestcharlie) because it really was appropriate for one liners, not analysis.

Example: Don't vote for anyone who lists castrating hogs as her qualification for the Senate.

            Vote for anyone who is accused of being "Corrupt" -- at least they have played the game before.

This election will go a long way towards furthering the careers of political satirists.  Add a Republican Presidents, and things will be even funnier.  Remember how funny the McCain/Palin combination was?  It got so most people visualized Tina Fey when the name "Sarah Palin" was mentioned.

To give you an example, today a non-profession stated that Nick Wallendsa (whoever it was who did that stunt in Chicago at the Marina Towers recently) announced that he would walk a tightrope across Ted Cruz's open mouth.  So, things are looking up already.

I did not see or hear Obama's press conference or speech earlier, but I was outside dining and the person opposite me looked up and saw him on the TV with a map of Syria and Iraq.  I was asked what he was saying.  Well, I had no idea and did not look back, but did mention that Henry IV advised his son, soon to be Henry V, to keep people busy with wars against a foreign enemy in the people you rule start to complain.  Give them a common, foreign, enemy.  My guess is that was the point, but I'm not sure.

Every single so-called "Left-Wing" ballot initiative passed almost everywhere: legalizing pot, supporting a woman's right to choose, overwhelming support for a higher minimum wage, expanded single payer insurance (as in government), legalizing gay marriage (why should they be exempt?), and so on.  The Democrats might think about such things the next time around.

Of course, then things wouldn't be so funny.  Nixon gave everyone lots of laughs.  Reagan brought out the best in Bedtime for Bonzo  and did Clint Eastwood impressions for us.  In fact, he re-enacted lots of movies for us.  Even when he had to withdraw the marines from Lebanon, he snapped into action by invading Grenada.  Why?  Well, there were Cuban construction workers there -- those guys can be tough, you know.

The Bushes were a goldmine.  They were the Arbustos (means shrub in Spanish) of the day.  I mean, these days Obama has to supply the punch lines by himself.  When asked why Donald Trump was so vicious about him, Obama said "It all goes back to when we played soccer together in school growing up in Kenya."  Who could top him?

No, we need a Republican president. 

Well, this has already been too long, considering that about a third or more of our readers are overseas, so we will be back to the real world with the next issue.

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Thursday, October 30, 2014

Solution to Palestine


THE ABSURD TIMES

            So, this time around, we look at the solution to the problem.  Simply put, the solution is to follow both national and international laws.  Of course, that is easier said than done in the U.S.  Following the law is for people you don't like, after all.
            We had trouble finding an appropriate illustration for this version.

Finally, we decided on the above, the "Killer Tongue" illustration by Latuff.

Someone in the White House called him "Chicken Shit" because he wouldn't try to negotiate peace.  He got angry.

He has also shut down the Mosque in Jerusalem.  This is the sort of thing that started the 2nd Intifada, you may recall.

Well, anyway, before it is too late, here it is:
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 22, 2014

Noam Chomsky at United Nations: It Would Be Nice if the United States Lived up to International Law

    
After world-renowned scholar Noam Chomsky gave a major address on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the hall of the United Nations General Assembly last week, Amy Goodman interviewed the world-renowned linguist and dissident before an audience of 800 people. Chomsky spoke at an event sponsored by the United Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. “One important action that the United States could take is to live up to its own laws. Of course it would be nice if it lived up to international law, but maybe that’s too much to ask,” Chomsky said.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we return to MIT professor Noam Chomsky, world-renowned political dissident, linguist and author. Last week, he spoke before over 800 people in the hall of the United Nations General Assembly, before ambassadors and the public alike, on the issue of Israel and Palestine. After his speech, I conducted a public interview with Professor Chomsky.
AMY GOODMAN: What do you think is the most—the single most important action the United States can take? And what about its role over the years? What is its interest here?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, one important action that the United States could take is to live up to its own laws. Of course, it would be nice if it lived up to international law, but maybe that’s too much to ask, but live up to its own laws. And there are several. And here, incidentally, I have in mind advice to activists also, who I think ought to be organizing and educating in this direction. There are two crucial cases.
One of them is what’s called the Leahy Law. Patrick Leahy, Senator Leahy, introduced legislation called the Leahy Law, which bars sending weapons to any military units which are involved in consistent human rights violations. There isn’t the slightest doubt that the Israeli army is involved in massive human rights violations, which means that all dispatch of U.S. arms to Israel is in violation of U.S. law. I think that’s significant. The U.S. should be called upon by its own citizens to—and by others, to adhere to U.S. law, which also happens to conform to international law in this case, as Amnesty International, for example, for years has been calling for an arms embargo against Israel for this reason. These are all steps that can be taken.
The second is the tax-exempt status that is given to organizations in the United States which are directly involved in the occupation and in significant attacks on human and civil rights within Israel itself, like the Jewish National Fund. Take a look at its charter with the state of Israel, which commits it to acting for the benefit of people of Jewish race, religion and origin within Israel. One of the consequences of that is that by a complex array of laws and administrative practices, the fund pretty much administers about 90 percent of the land of the country, with real consequences for who can live places. They get tax-exempt status also for their activities in the West Bank, which are strictly criminal. I think that’s also straight in violation of U.S. law. Now, those are important things.
And I think the U.S. should be pressured, internationally and domestically, to abandon its virtually unique role—unilateral role in blocking a political settlement for the past 40 years, ever since the first veto in January 1976. That should be a major issue in the media, in convocations like this, in the United Nations, in domestic politics, in government politics and so on.
AMY GOODMAN: The role of the media, can you talk about that, and particularly in the United States? And do you think that the opinion in the United States, public opinion, is shifting on this issue?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, the role of the—the media are somewhat shifting from uniform support for virtually everything that Israel does to—and, of course, silence about the U.S. role—that’s not just in the case of Israel, that’s innumerable other cases, as well—but is slowly shifting. But nevertheless, about, say, Operation Protective Edge, one can read in news reporting, news reporting in The New York Times, major journal, a criticism of Hamas’s assault on Israel during Protective Edge. Hamas’s assault on Israel—not exactly what happened, but that’s what people are reading, and that’s the way it’s depicted. Israel is—over and over it’s pointed out, "Look, poor Israel is under attack. It has the right of self-defense." Everyone agrees to that. Actually, I agree, too. Everyone has a right of self-defense. But that’s not the question. The question is: Do you have a right of self-defense by force, by violence? The answer is no for anyone, whether it’s an individual or state, unless you have exhausted peaceful means. If you won’t even permit peaceful means, which is the case here, then you have no right of self-defense by violence. But try to find a word about that in the media. All you find is "self-defense." When President Obama rarely says anything about what’s happening, it’s usually, "If my daughters were being attacked by rockets, I would do anything to stop it." He’s referring not to the hundreds of Palestinian children who are being killed and slaughtered, but to the children in the Israeli town of Sderot, which is under attack by Qassam missiles. And remember that Israel knows exactly how to stop those missiles: namely, live up to a ceasefire for the first time, and then they would stop, as in the past, even when Israel didn’t live up to a ceasefire.
That framework—and, of course, the rest of the framework is the United States as an honest broker trying hard to bring the two recalcitrant sides together, doing its best in this noble endeavor—has nothing to do with the case. The U.S. is, as some of the U.S. negotiators have occasionally acknowledged, Israel’s lawyer. If there were serious negotiations going on, they would be led by some neutral party, maybe Brazil, which has some international respect, and they would bring together the two sides—on the one side, Israel and the United States; on the other side, the Palestinians. Now, those would be possible realistic negotiations. But the chances of anyone in the media either—I won’t even say pointing it out, even thinking about it, is minuscule. The indoctrination is so deep that really elementary facts like these—and they are elementary—are almost incomprehensible.
But to get back to your—the last point you mentioned, it’s very important. Opinion in the United States is shifting, not as fast as in most of the world, not as fast as in Europe. It’s not reaching the point where you could get a vote in Congress anything like the British Parliament a couple days ago, but it is changing, mostly among younger people, and changing substantially. I’ll just illustrate with personal experience; Amy has the same experience. Until pretty recently, when I gave talks on these topics, as I’ve been doing for 40 years, I literally had to have police protection, even at my own university, MIT. Police would insist on walking me back to my car because of threats they had picked up. Meetings were broken up, and so on. That’s all gone. Just a couple of days ago I had a talk on these topics at MIT. Meeting wasn’t broken up. No police protection. Maybe 500 or 600 students were there, all enthusiastic, engaged, committed, concerned, wanting to do something about it. That’s happening all over the country. All over the country, Palestinian solidarity is one of the biggest issues on campus—enormous change in the last few years.
That’s the way things tend to change. It often starts with younger people. Gradually it gets to the rest of the population. Efforts of the kind I mentioned, say, trying to get the United States government to live up to its own laws, those could be undertaken on a substantial scale, domestically and with support from international institutions. And that could lead to further changes. I think that the—for example, the two things that I mentioned would have a considerable appeal to much of the American public. Why should they be funding military units that are carrying out massive human rights violations? Why should they be permitting tax exemption? Meaning we pay for it—that’s what a tax exemption means. Why should we be paying, compelled to pay, for violations of fundamental human rights in another country, and even in occupied territories, where it’s criminal? I think that can appeal to the American population and can lead to the kinds of changes we’ve seen in other cases.
AMY GOODMAN: Final question, before we open it up to each of you: Your thoughts on the BDS movement, the boycott, divest, sanctions movement?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, BDS is a set of tactics, right? These are tactics that you employ when you think they’re going to be effective and in ways that you think will be effective. Tactics are not principles. They’re not actions that you undertake no matter what because you think they’re right. Tactics are undertaken, if you’re serious, because you think they’re going to help the victims. That’s how you adjust your tactics, not because I think they’re right in principle, but because I think they will be beneficial. That ought to be second nature to activists.
Also second nature should be a crucial distinction between proposing and advocating. I can propose now that we should all live in peace and love each other. I just proposed it. That’s not a serious proposal. It becomes a serious proposal when it becomes advocacy. It is given—I sketch out a path for getting from here to there. Then it becomes serious. Otherwise, it’s empty words. That’s crucial and related to this.
Well, when you take a look at the BDS movement, which is separate, incidentally, from BDS tactics—let me make that clear. So, when the European Union issued its directive or when the—that I mentioned, or when, say, the Gates Foundation withdraws investment in security operations that are being carried out, not only in the Occupied Territories, but elsewhere, that’s very important. But that’s not the BDSmovement. That’s BDS tactics, actually, BD tactics, boycott, divestment tactics. That’s important. The BDS movement itself has been an impetus to these developments, and in many ways a positive one, but I think it has failed and should reflect on its, so far, unwillingness to face what are crucial questions for activists: What’s going to help the victims, and what’s going to harm them? What is a proposal, and what is real advocacy? You have to think that through, and it hasn’t been sufficiently done.
So, if you take a look at the principles of the BDS movement, there are three. They vary slightly in wording, but basically three. One is, actions should be directed against the occupation. That has been extremely successful, in many ways, and it makes sense. It also helps educate the Western populations who are being appealed to to participate, enables—it’s an opening to discuss, investigate and organize about the participation in the occupation. That’s very successful.
A second principle is that BDS actions should be continued until Israel allows the refugees to return. That has had no success, and to the extent that it’s been tried, it’s been negative. It just leads to a backlash. No basis has been laid for it among the population. It is simply interpreted as saying, "Oh, you want to destroy the state of Israel. We’re not going to destroy a state." You cannot undertake actions which you think are principled when in the real world they are going to have a harmful effect on the victims.
There’s a third category having to do with civil rights within Israel, and there are things that could be done here. One of the ones I mentioned, in fact—the tax-free status for U.S. organizations that are engaged in civil rights and human rights violations. And remember, a tax exemption means I pay for it. That’s what a tax exemption is. Well, that’s an action that could be undertaken. Others that have been undertaken have had backlashes which are harmful. And I won’t run through the record, but these are the kinds of questions that always have to be asked when you’re involved in serious activisms, if you care about the victims, not just feeling good, but caring about the victims. That’s critically important.
AMY GOODMAN: MIT professor, world-renowned linguist, dissident, Noam Chomsky, speaking last Tuesday in the hall of the United Nations General Assembly before 800 people in an event hosted by the U.N. Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. If you’d like a copy of today’s show, you can go to our website at democracynow.org.
We wish a very happy birthday to our video producer, Robby Karran. For all our New York viewers, Democracy Now! co-host Juan González will be one of the journalists questioning the New York gubernatorial candidates in tonight’s debate. The debate will be broadcast live at 8:00 p.m. on PBS stations across New York. I’ll be speaking inVienna, Austria, Friday at an event hosted by ORF, Austria’s public broadcaster, then on Saturday speaking at the Elevate Festival in Graz, Austria. Again, you can go to democracynow.org for more details.


The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.

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