Monday, December 31, 2007

I couldn't help it

I couldn't help it.  Here is a clean copy of Fisk and another one by Ali.
 
    *ZNet | Asia*
 
    *They Don’t Blame Al-Qa’ida. They Blame Musharraf.*
 
    *by Robert Fisk; The Independent/UK ; December 30, 2007*
 
        Weird, isn’t it, how swiftly the narrative is laid down for us.
        Benazir Bhutto, the courageous leader of the Pakistan People’s
        Party, is assassinated in Rawalpindi - attached to the very
        capital of Islamabad wherein ex-General Pervez Musharraf lives -
        and we are told by George Bush that her murderers were
        “extremists” and “terrorists”. Well, you can’t dispute that.
 
        But the implication of the Bush comment was that Islamists were
        behind the assassination. It was the Taliban madmen again, the
        al-Qa’ida spider who struck at this lone and brave woman who had
        dared to call for democracy in her country.
 
        
 
        Of course, given the childish coverage of this appalling tragedy
        - and however corrupt Ms Bhutto may have been, let us be under
        no illusions that this brave lady is indeed a true martyr - it’s
        not surprising that the “good-versus-evil” donkey can be trotted
        out to explain the carnage in Rawalpindi.
 
        
 
        Who would have imagined, watching the BBC or CNN on Thursday,
        that her two brothers, Murtaza and Shahnawaz, hijacked a
        Pakistani airliner in 1981 and flew it to Kabul where Murtaza
        demanded the release of political prisoners in Pakistan. Here, a
        military officer on the plane was murdered. There were Americans
        aboard the flight - which is probably why the prisoners were
        indeed released.
 
        
 
        Only a few days ago - in one of the most remarkable (but
        typically unrecognised) scoops of the year - Tariq Ali published
        a brilliant dissection of Pakistan (and Bhutto) corruption in
        the London Review of Books, focusing on Benazir and headlined:
        “Daughter of the West”. In fact, the article was on my desk to
        photocopy as its subject was being murdered in Rawalpindi.
 
        
 
        Towards the end of this report, Tariq Ali dwelt at length on the
        subsequent murder of Murtaza Bhutto by police close to his home
        at a time when Benazir was prime minister - and at a time when
        Benazir was enraged at Murtaza for demanding a return to PPP
        values and for condemning Benazir’s appointment of her own
        husband as minister for industry, a highly lucrative post.
 
        
 
        In a passage which may yet be applied to the aftermath of
        Benazir’s murder, the report continues: “The fatal bullet had
        been fired at close range. The trap had been carefully laid,
        but, as is the way in Pakistan, the crudeness of the operation -
        false entries in police log-books, lost evidence, witnesses
        arrested and intimidated - a policeman killed who they feared
        might talk - made it obvious that the decision to execute the
        prime minister’s brother had been taken at a very high level.”
 
        
 
        When Murtaza’s 14-year-old daughter, Fatima, rang her aunt
        Benazir to ask why witnesses were being arrested - rather than
        her father’s killers - she says Benazir told her: “Look, you’re
        very young. You don’t understand things.” Or so Tariq Ali’s
        exposé would have us believe. Over all this, however, looms the
        shocking power of Pakistan’s ISI, the Inter Services Intelligence.
 
        
 
        This vast institution - corrupt, venal and brutal - works for
        Musharraf.
 
        
 
        But it also worked - and still works - for the Taliban. It also
        works for the Americans. In fact, it works for everybody. But it
        is the key which Musharraf can use to open talks with America’s
        enemies when he feels threatened or wants to put pressure on
        Afghanistan or wants to appease the ” extremists” and
        “terrorists” who so oppress George Bush. And let us remember, by
        the way, that Daniel Pearl, the Wall Street Journal reporter
        beheaded by his Islamist captors in Karachi, actually made his
        fatal appointment with his future murderers from an ISI
        commander’s office. Ahmed Rashid’s book Taliban provides
        riveting proof of the ISI’s web of corruption and violence. Read
        it, and all of the above makes more sense.
 
        
 
        But back to the official narrative. George Bush announced on
        Thursday he was “looking forward” to talking to his old friend
        Musharraf. Of course, they would talk about Benazir. They
        certainly would not talk about the fact that Musharraf continues
        to protect his old acquaintance - a certain Mr Khan - who
        supplied all Pakistan’s nuclear secrets to Libya and Iran. No,
        let’s not bring that bit of the “axis of evil” into this.
 
        
 
        So, of course, we were asked to concentrate once more on all
        those ” extremists” and “terrorists”, not on the logic of
        questioning which many Pakistanis were feeling their way through
        in the aftermath of Benazir’s assassination.
 
        
 
        It doesn’t, after all, take much to comprehend that the hated
        elections looming over Musharraf would probably be postponed
        indefinitely if his principal political opponent happened to be
        liquidated before polling day.
 
        
 
        So let’s run through this logic in the way that Inspector Ian
        Blair might have done in his policeman’s notebook before he
        became the top cop in London.
 
        
 
        Question: Who forced Benazir Bhutto to stay in London and tried
        to prevent her return to Pakistan? Answer: General Musharraf.
 
        
 
        Question: Who ordered the arrest of thousands of Benazir’s
        supporters this month? Answer: General Musharraf.
 
        
 
        Question: Who placed Benazir under temporary house arrest this
        month? Answer: General Musharraf.
 
        
 
        Question: Who declared martial law this month? Answer General
        Musharraf.
 
        
 
        Question: who killed Benazir Bhutto?
 
        
 
        Er. Yes. Well quite.
 
        
 
        You see the problem? Yesterday, our television warriors informed
        us the PPP members shouting that Musharraf was a “murderer” were
        complaining he had not provided sufficient security for Benazir.
        Wrong. They were shouting this because they believe he killed her.
 
        
 
        Robert Fisk is Middle East correspondent for The Independent.
 
        
 
        
 
        
 
        
 
    *ZNet | Asia*
 
    *A Tragedy Born Of Military Despotism And Anarchy*
 
    *by Tariq Ali; The Guardian; December 30, 2007*
 
        *E*ven those of us sharply critical of Benazir Bhutto's
        behaviour and policies - both while she was in office and more
        recently - are stunned and angered by her death. Indignation and
        fear stalk the country once again.
 
        An odd coexistence of military despotism and anarchy created the
        conditions leading to her assassination in Rawalpindi yesterday.
        In the past, military rule was designed to preserve order - and
        did so for a few years. No longer. Today it creates disorder and
        promotes lawlessness. How else can one explain the sacking of
        the chief justice and eight other judges of the country's
        supreme court for attempting to hold the government's
        intelligence agencies and the police accountable to courts of
        law? Their replacements lack the backbone to do anything, let
        alone conduct a proper inquest into the misdeeds of the agencies
        to uncover the truth behind the carefully organised killing of a
        major political leader.
 
        How can Pakistan today be anything but a conflagration of
        despair? It is assumed that the killers were jihadi fanatics.
        This may well be true, but were they acting on their own?
 
        Benazir, according to those close to her, had been tempted to
        boycott the fake elections, but she lacked the political courage
        to defy Washington. She had plenty of physical courage, and
        refused to be cowed by threats from local opponents. She had
        been addressing an election rally in Liaquat Bagh. This is a
        popular space named after the country's first prime minister,
        Liaquat Ali Khan, who was killed by an assassin in 1953. The
        killer, Said Akbar, was immediately shot dead on the orders of a
        police officer involved in the plot. Not far from here, there
        once stood a colonial structure where nationalists were
        imprisoned. This was Rawalpindi jail. It was here that Benazir's
        father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was hanged in April 1979. The
        military tyrant responsible for his judicial murder made sure
        the site of the tragedy was destroyed as well.
 
        Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's death poisoned relations between his
        Pakistan People's party and the army. Party activists,
        particularly in the province of Sind, were brutally tortured,
        humiliated and, sometimes, disappeared or killed.
 
        Pakistan's turbulent history, a result of continuous military
        rule and unpopular global alliances, confronts the ruling elite
        now with serious choices. They appear to have no positive aims.
        The overwhelming majority of the country disapproves of the
        government's foreign policy. They are angered by its lack of a
        serious domestic policy except for further enriching a callous
        and greedy elite that includes a swollen, parasitic military.
        Now they watch helplessly as politicians are shot dead in front
        of them.
 
        Benazir had survived the bomb blast yesterday but was felled by
        bullets fired at her car. The assassins, mindful of their
        failure in Karachi a month ago, had taken out a double insurance
        this time. They wanted her dead. It is impossible for even a
        rigged election to take place now. It will have to be postponed,
        and the military high command is no doubt contemplating another
        dose of army rule if the situation gets worse, which could
        easily happen.
 
        What has happened is a multilayered tragedy. It's a tragedy for
        a country on a road to more disasters. Torrents and foaming
        cataracts lie ahead. And it is a personal tragedy. The house of
        Bhutto has lost another member. Father, two sons and now a
        daughter have all died unnatural deaths.
 
        I first met Benazir at her father's house in Karachi when she
        was a fun-loving teenager, and later at Oxford. She was not a
        natural politician and had always wanted to be a diplomat, but
        history and personal tragedy pushed in the other direction. Her
        father's death transformed her. She had become a new person,
        determined to take on the military dictator of that time. She
        had moved to a tiny flat in London, where we would endlessly
        discuss the future of the country. She would agree that land
        reforms, mass education programmes, a health service and an
        independent foreign policy were positive constructive aims and
        crucial if the country was to be saved from the vultures in and
        out of uniform. Her constituency was the poor, and she was proud
        of the fact.
 
        She changed again after becoming prime minister. In the early
        days, we would argue and in response to my numerous complaints -
        all she would say was that the world had changed. She couldn't
        be on the "wrong side" of history. And so, like many others, she
        made her peace with Washington. It was this that finally led to
        the deal with Musharraf and her return home after more than a
        decade in exile. On a number of occasions she told me that she
        did not fear death. It was one of the dangers of playing
        politics in Pakistan.
 
        It is difficult to imagine any good coming out of this tragedy,
        but there is one possibility. Pakistan desperately needs a
        political party that can speak for the social needs of a bulk of
        the people. The People's party founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
        was built by the activists of the only popular mass movement the
        country has known: students, peasants and workers who fought for
        three months in 1968-69 to topple the country's first military
        dictator. They saw it as their party, and that feeling persists
        in some parts of the country to this day, despite everything.
 
        Benazir's horrific death should give her colleagues pause for
        reflection. To be dependent on a person or a family may be
        necessary at certain times, but it is a structural weakness, not
        a strength for a political organisation. The People's party
        needs to be refounded as a modern and democratic organisation,
        open to honest debate and discussion, defending social and human
        rights, uniting the many disparate groups and individuals in
        Pakistan desperate for any halfway decent alternative, and
        coming forward with concrete proposals to stabilise occupied and
        war-torn Afghanistan. This can and should be done. The Bhutto
        family should not be asked for any more sacrifices.
 
        Tariq Ali's book The Duel: Pakistan on the Flightpath of
        American Power is published in 2008* tariq.ali3@btinternet.com *
 
        
 
 

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