Tuesday, August 07, 2018

Meet Ahed Tamimmi





THE ABSURD TIMES




Illustration:  Together, they make Israel what it is today.

Remembering Rachel Cory.  Anyway, this is a great story.


Meet Ahed Tamimi, 17-Year-Old West Bank Activist Jailed for 8 Months for Slapping Israeli Soldier

STORYAUGUST 06, 2018
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·                                       Palestine
·                                       Gaza
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·                                       Ahed Tamimi
17-year-old Palestinian activist freed from Israeli prison after eight months behind bars for slapping a heavily armed Israeli soldier near her family's home in the occupied West Bank.
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Seventeen-year-old Palestinian activist Ahed Tamimi has been freed from Israeli prison after eight months behind bars. Known to some as the Rosa Parks of Palestine, Tamimi became a hero to Palestinians and people around the world last year after a viral video showed her slapping a heavily armed Israeli soldier near her family's home in the occupied West Bank. The incident came just after Tamimi learned her cousin had been gravely wounded by an Israeli soldier who shot him in the head using a rubber-coated steel bullet. Video of Tamimi confronting the soldier went viral, elevating her into a symbol of Palestinian resistance. Ahed was soon arrested in the middle of the night and charged with assault in an Israeli military court. She was sentenced to eight months in an Israeli prison and celebrated her 17th birthday behind bars. Her mother was also arrested and charged for incitement, in part for streaming video online showing the interaction between Tamimi and the Israeli soldier. Tamimi and her mother, Nariman, were released in late July. We speak with Ahed Tamimi from her home in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh.


Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: We begin today's show with a young woman described as the Rosa Parks of Palestine: 17-year-old Ahed Tamimi. Last year, Ahed became a hero to Palestinians after a video went viral showing her slapping a heavily armed Israeli soldier near her family's home in the occupied West Bank. The incident came just after Ahed learned her cousin had been gravely wounded by an Israeli soldier who shot him in the head using a rubber-coated steel bullet. Video of Ahed confronting the soldier went viral, elevating her into a symbol of Palestinian resistance.
Ahed Tamimi was soon arrested in the middle of the night, charged with assault in an Israeli military court. She was sentenced to eight months in an Israeli prison. She turned 17 years there; she celebrated her 17th birthday behind bars. Her mother was also arrested and charged for incitement, in part for streaming video online showing the interaction between Ahed and the Israeli soldier. Both Ahed and her mother, Nariman, were released in late July.
Last week, soon after she was released, Democracy Now!'s Nermeen Shaikh and I spoke with Ahed Tamimi from her home in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh.
AMY GOODMAN: Ahed, welcome to Democracy Now! How does it feel to be free from jail?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] It's an extremely wonderful feeling. I hope all prisoners, men and women, live to experience this joy. Of course, my joy is incomplete, because my brothers and sisters remain in prison. And I hope that they are liberated and feel the happiness that I feel today.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about the day you were released? Can you talk about that Sunday, where the Israeli military took you and your mother?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] I was released from prison at 5:30, and they took me to Rantees, but they told my parents that I would be released at the Jbara checkpoint. It's about an hour between Rantees and Jbara. They kept playing with my parents, telling them here, then there, then there. They made my parents go everywhere At the end, they ended up dropping us off at the gateway to the village.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Can you explain, Ahed, what actually led to your arrest?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] They accused me of hitting a soldier. I had 12 charges brought up against me, but the main one was the charge of hitting a soldier in front of the door of my house. My goal wasn't to hit him. I didn't intend to hit him. He had shot my cousin in the head, and my cousin was going to die because of the injury. The soldier at the front of my house was shooting at children and young men in the street. I'm not the one that went to him. He's the one that was at the front of my door.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about Mohammed, your 15-year-old cousin, and explain what the Israeli soldier did to him? What does it mean to be shot at close range by a rubber-coated steel bullet?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] He was on a hill, and Israeli soldiers came up and shot him. And the bullet went through his head. It went through here and was lodged here. It was a lethal injury, and there was a chance he would die. His surgery took a very long time. It took a long time for him to begin to walk again and to stand up straight and everything.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Can you tell us, Ahed, what happened after you were arrested? Where were you taken?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] They took me to an interrogation center. And then, from there, they took me to prison.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: You've said that there were several violations during your interrogation. What were those violations.
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] The interrogation was inappropriate, because there was verbal harassment. The interrogator would tell me, "Your hair is pretty. Your eyes are pretty." There were no female soldiers with me. My parents weren't allowed to be with me, nor my lawyer. They threatened me with my family by saying, "If you don't confess, we're going to detain your entire family."
AMY GOODMAN: What kind of other questions did they ask you in that interrogation? And were there women present, family, your lawyer?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] No, there was no one with me. They asked me why I hit the soldier. There were a lot of questions the interrogator asked me during the interrogation.
AMY GOODMAN: What did you tell them when they asked you why you slapped the Israeli soldier?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] The entire time during the interrogation, I used my right to remain silent, and did not confess anything.
AMY GOODMAN: How long did that interrogation, that one-sided interrogation, take?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] There were several interrogations. There were actually four separate interrogations. Each one was different. One was four hours; another, five or six.
AMY GOODMAN: And you were always alone, never with a lawyer or family?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] Never. It was always just me alone with the interrogators.
AMY GOODMAN: With the male interrogators.
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] Yes, they were male interrogators.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk, then, about your trial?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] They used to take me to court periodically. And they kept discussing the case and interrogating me, until I was sentenced to eight months.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Ahed, what were the conditions like in the jail where you were held? Were there other children there?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] The prison was very, very difficult. There were 29 other female prisoners with me. The numbers would go up and down depending on the situation. The conditions for female prisoners, and male prisoners, is difficult. The rooms are very, very small. There are no air vents. There was medical neglect and prevention of education. They attempted to prevent us from getting educated. But prisoners are always strong, persistent and steadfast.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And who were the other—the 29 other prisoners? And you said that the composition of the prisoners changed. Were they all women? Were they children?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] There were women, and there were children. There was one woman who had been detained under administrative detention. Administrative detention means the detention is based on undisclosed files, so the detainee doesn't know why they're detained. Administrative detainees only attend administrative courts, and their sentence is always extended. At first, it might be six months, but it'll be renewed another time for four months. They'll tell you your administrative detention is six months, but then, after six months, they'll tell you they've extended another four. After four months, they'll tell you another six. It's like the prisoner—may God rest his soul—Ali Jamal, who spent seven consecutive years under administrative detention.
There are over 350 children in prison, and three children who are under administrative detention. The conditions children endure in prison are very difficult. Prison isn't for anyone. And the prison administration puts a lot of pressure on them, so it's very difficult. I hope for the release of all prisoners, and especially children, as soon as possible.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Now, Ahed, following criticism, widespread criticism, Israel instituted a separate military court for minors, for children, in 2009. What, if anything, has changed since then?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] Nothing's changed. There are children who are in Israeli detention for over 10 years, children sentenced to 13 years, children sentenced to 14 years. The court just changed its name to a children's court. The judge is still a Zionist judge. The court is still a Zionist court. It's still a racist court. So nothing has really changed.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: In your village, Nabi Saleh, if you could talk specifically about the situation with Israeli settlements in the area? Children in Nabi Saleh are reportedly taught how to deal with Israeli soldiers if they come to detain them?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] In Nabi Saleh, there is a settlement, the settlement of Halamish, which has taken over the Nabi Saleh water spring. It rarely gives the village of Nabi Saleh adequate water. Almost everyone in Nabi Saleh has been detained or shot at or harassed by Israeli soldiers. We have more than one martyr. In the last decade or so, there's been a lot of resistance within Nabi Saleh, and we lost four martyrs. And they are Rushdi Tamimi, Mustafa Tamimi, Izz al-Din Tamimi, and there was a young man who died in Nabi Saleh whose name is Saba Nidal Obeid. Nabi Saleh is a point of a lot of resistance. We always say our problem isn't with the settlement, it's with the entire occupation. We can deal with the settlement, but we want the occupation to end.
AMY GOODMAN: Ahed Tamimi, When you were in jail, another one of your relatives, 20-year-old Izz al-Din Tamimi, was killed, in June, after being shot in the back by an Israeli soldier. The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem said his killing was illegal and unjustified. Can you talk about what happened and what you understood when you were in prison?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] The martyrdom of Izz al-Din Tamimi while I was in prison was something very difficult for me. It was very, very difficult. I don't know how to describe the feeling. To lose someone from your family while you're in prison and you don't know what's happened, it was a lot of anxiety. It's a difficult thing.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you tell us who Izz al-Din was?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] Izz al-Din was a very calm, good person. I think he was in the street. I wasn't there, but they told me he was in the street. He was being pursued, after being detained a year ago, so they came to detain him, and he ran away, so they shot him in his neck. They let him bleed on the ground until he lost all his blood and died.
AMY GOODMAN: During the time that you were in prison during this last eight months, there was a major uprising in Gaza, the nonviolent Great March of Return that started March 30th. The Israeli military killed—at this point, I believe it's more than 140 Palestinians, injuring something like 13,000, 14,000 people there. Can you talk about what your knowledge of what's happening in Gaza is and what it meant to you in jail and to Palestinians on the West Bank?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] The Great Return marches were launched from the time of the Nakba and continue until today. And the reality is that the people of Gaza are still continuing these marches. We hope that everyone, even here in the West Bank, and those outside, be part of the return marches, just like the ones in Gaza. It's not just Gaza that has refugees, but there are Palestinian refugees everywhere, and they should return to their land, to their country.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Ahed, I want to turn to a video of you in December 2012, when you confronted an Israeli soldier, demanding to know what happened to your brother, who had just been arrested. I believe you were only 11 years old at the time.
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] My brother was 15 years old. And so I went and I asked them. I demanded to know, "Where did you take my brother? He's 15 years old. What can he do to you?" But they didn't respond to me. I got angry and frustrated and began to yell at them.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And three years later, a video went viral that showed you biting an Israeli soldier who was holding your brother.
AMY GOODMAN: On the ground.
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] This is when they were going to detain my brother, who was 12 years old. He was trying to detain him, so I tried to take my brother back from the hands of the soldier.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, many people, Ahed, have remarked on your courage in undertaking such protest at such a young age. Where do you get such bravery from?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] All Palestinians have courage. It's different from one person to another. But I grew up in a family where I got used to seeing prisoners, the injured and martyrs. It reached a level where we were just saying, "Enough. Enough with the occupation." So I decided to break the barrier of fear, so I can continue defending my land.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to read from an article in The Guardian. It said, quote, "Ahed is a member of the second generation of Palestinians to grow up under occupation. Her father, Bassem, was born in 1967—the year Israel seized the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza and the Golan Heights in the six-day war. He and his children have known only a life of checkpoints, identity papers, detentions, house demolitions, intimidation, humiliation and violence. This is their normality," The Guardian writes. Can you speak, in your own words, about what life is like growing up under occupation?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] Imagine going to your school and finding a checkpoint, so you're prevented from going to school because of this checkpoint, or from going to your university or work. Or imagine that every day the military enters your town and keeps firing gas and bullets, and you're constantly afraid that someone will be killed or that they'll detain someone. There's a constant fear that you'll lose someone in your family. The occupation is extremely difficult. To look at the settler who is on your land while you're barred from it, it's really so difficult.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Ahed, you've been hailed as the icon of Palestine, following this latest protest of yours. Your response to that, and where you see yourself in the struggle for Palestine?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] I'm very proud that I can be a symbol of the Palestinian cause. I hope that I can live up to this title and that I'm able to spread the message of the Palestinian people, and the men and women in prison, to the whole world.
AMY GOODMAN: What would you like to see happen?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] I hope for the liberation of Palestine, for the end of the occupation, for us to be able to go anywhere we want, anytime we want, without anyone preventing us from doing so.
AMY GOODMAN: The classes you took, you finished high school in an Israeli prison? What are the classes you took? Who taught you? What kind of discussions did you have behind the bars.
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] We were taught by the prisoner Khalida Jarrar, and we would learn mathematics, Arabic, English, history, geography, science. We used to take international law classes, as well. We took a lot of these different classes.
AMY GOODMAN: And did you discuss your own imprisonment as a child and discuss the issues of international law and occupation?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] Khalida Jarrar used to teach us about the international law and about all the different conventions within it. We would go through all the violations that happened to us. I didn't have a female soldier with me during my interrogation, but, according to the convention, there was supposed to be a female soldier with me during the interrogation. So we would always tie these things together.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Ahed, you plan to become a lawyer. Explain why you want to study the law.
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] So that I can use the law to defend the Palestinian cause for liberation.
AMY GOODMAN: Ahed, your brother is a student at Birzeit University nearby your village in the West Bank. Do you plan to go to a Palestinian university, or will you go to college outside?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] I haven't yet decided where I want to study. I haven't decided, and I'm still not sure.
AMY GOODMAN: Is your brother at the university now or in prison?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] My brother is currently in prison. He was detained while I was in prison.
AMY GOODMAN: Would you consider studying in the United States?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] I'm still not sure. I still haven't thought about it at all. I've just got out of prison. I just haven't had time to really sit and think about what I want exactly.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Ahed, what is your message to the United States? What would you like people in the U.S. to know?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] I thank everyone who supported me and stood with me in the United States. I urge all the people, all the populations everywhere, to put pressure on their governments to support the Palestinian cause.
AMY GOODMAN: You have made a distinction, Ahed, between Jews and Zionism. Can you explain the difference?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] There is a huge difference between Judaism and Zionism. Judaism is a religion. You know, it's just like Islam. It's just like Christianity. But Zionism, that's the occupation. That's the killing. That's what closes checkpoints. That's what detains innocent people. That's all Zionism that's causing this conflict with Palestinians.
AMY GOODMAN: And what did it mean to you when you were in jail, the international solidarity, both in the West Bank and Gaza, within Israel and around the world?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] It was something that kept my spirits up, of course. I hope this strong solidarity continues to extend to all the rest of the prisoners, men and women, who remain in prison.
AMY GOODMAN: Your mother was in prison for as long as you were nearly, and she was released with you. Did you see her in prison? And can you explain why she was imprisoned?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] I used to see her from 10:30 in the morning to 1:00 and from 2:30 to 5:00. We were not in the same room, of course, but we were in the same section.
AMY GOODMAN: And why she was in jail?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] She was detained because—I'm not sure. They accused her of—I'm not sure. Because she came to me during the interrogation? It's unclear to me why they detained my mom.
AMY GOODMAN: I know you have to go, Ahed. Do you plan to continue your activism?
AHED TAMIMI: [translated] Of course. I will continue down this path that I've started, and I will never give up until the day Palestine is liberated.
AMY GOODMAN: Seventeen-year-old Ahed Tamimi, speaking to us from her home in Nabi Saleh, in the occupied West Bank. She was released last week from an Israeli prison after serving an 8-month term. The 17-year-old activist became a hero to Palestinians and many others around the world after a video went viral showing her slapping an Israeli soldier near her family's home, just after Ahed learned her cousin had been gravely wounded by an Israeli soldier who shot him in the head using a rubber-coated steel bullet.
This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. When we come back, the first attempted assassination by drone strike. It occurred in Venezuela against the president, Nicolás Maduro, this weekend. Stay with us.
The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.

Don't Mess With Canada, Relly

Canadian Response To Threatening Saudi Photo An Image Of Women Driving To Vote

by Paul Duncan

49082585 - group of girls having fun with                            the car. taking selfie hile driving
The women claim to have not asked any men for permission for the outing. 

As relations further dissolved between the compulsive arms buyer of Saudi Arabia, and the aspirational arms seller that is Canada, a threatening image from a Saudi Twitter account which appeared to imply that the appropriate response to Canada's condemnation of Saudi human rights abuses is flying airplanes into Toronto buildings, received a response that will be equally horrific to many in the Arab state: women at large in vehicles, on their way to vote. 

The image - which appears to have been posted by a Canadian satirical site known to sympathize with women doing things - is being greeted with anger and confusion amongst the Saudi ruling class.
"Who bought these women a car?" asked an official from the Saudi Foreign Ministry. "How do they know the rules of the road? Are their male guardians aware that they are out of the house and not in a particular rush to return? What do you mean they are on their way to vote? Jesus Allah. This is surely the most threatening thing to ever be directed at our government. We demand it be removed or we will weaponize our control of the oil markets. And by that I mean more than we already have."
Canadians have been quick to point out that if the Saudis thought that women being recognized as fully-fledged people was controversial, wait until they find out that over here many females also enjoy drinking, having sex with whomever they want, and being able to mute or block those who don't like it when they question the patriarchy. 
"As the Canadian saying goes," says Oakville, Ontario resident Wanda Trebuchet, pausing to give her thoughts while being out without a hall pass, "He who ignores the trouble brewing in his own country while punishing other nations for pointing out that he's acting inhumanely, finds what doesn't please him."

Paul Duncan | August 7, 2018 at 1:57 am | Categories: News | URL: https://wp.me/p78BLO-5P8
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Wednesday, August 01, 2018

Thought this was amusing

New post on The Out And Abouter

God Accidentally Hits 'Reply All' While Responding To Kid's Prayer Asking For World Pizza

lightx-56.jpg?w=560Taking back the response proved to be beyond the abilities of even the Almighty. Religious scholars, apologists, lapsed God-botherers, convenience prayers, sceptics, atheists, and pizza makers alike, were all sent scrambling early this morning when Jehovah 'The Ancient Of Days and Lord On High' accidentally responded to everyone cc'd in on one boy's prayer. Early reports indicate the subject of the beseeching was - adorably, if somewhat unrealistically - pizza for all.
"Tommy, so glad to hear you like pizza," read the response in the sky over everywhere, as the sun rose on a planet's-worth of sinners who haven't received a whole lot of direction over the last two thousand years. (The message was also found written onto every grain of sand on every beach, burnt into toast, at the end of the Deadpool 2 credits, and in the steam of all the mirrors in all the bathrooms on earth.)
"I like pizza too," the hermetic deity's message continues, "though I can't have it as often as I used to, as my acid reflux has worsened with the passing eons. I guess that's what happens when you exist for an eternity! What are your favourite toppings? Mine are the randomness of death, and logical conundrums, such as how if someone on an island lives their entire life without hearing about Jesus Christ, they can still be sent to hell for not asking him to save them from their sins. Deeeeee-lish."
While obscure in its tone, the message is already being heralded as the most important communiqué from the heavens since Deigo Maradona handballed a goal over the head of England'sPeter Shilton, setting Brexit in motion, and effectively ending the British Empire; as per God's Will.
"Well for starters, it's clear we have a new communion food," said Pope Francis, in a hastily called press conference at the Vatican, after he'd gotten over the fact that the King of Kings had chosen to use non-pontiff-related communication channels for a change. "I was pretty over the whole stale bread thing anyway, so I for one welcome God's admission that he likes pizza. Henceforward that will accompany all masses, though with more easily digestible toppings than those He mentioned, and allowances made for everyone afflicted with the new stigmata: acid reflux, and gluten intolerance."
Typically of most prayers, the boy who made the initial request - nine-year-old Tommy Chen, of Markham, Ontario - says he just wants to know if everyone is "going to get some pie or what?"
"It's pretty cool that he replied, even after my parents told me that it was an unreasonable thing to ask for, but I've read his message a few times now, and I kind of feel like he's avoiding the question. I may only be nine, but it seems to me like that's something he does a lot."
The going-into-grade-fiver added that he's re-asked the question, and "included a little motivation to get the big guy moving."
"I told him if he didn't answer me there wasn't a chance in heck he was going to get re-elected. There's a lot of competition out there these days."
Paul Duncan | August 1, 2018 at 5:34 pm | Tags: GodPizzaReligionSatire | Categories: News | URL: https://wp.me/p78BLO-5OE
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GAZA, ISRAEL, CHOMSKY, II



THE ABSURD TIMES





Illustration:  Our VP, ready if Trump is impeached.

Trump has become too stupid, or his followers have, to bear comment, however: A little old lady neighbor knocked on my door and asked my help. She had not eaten for over a week. She would go shopping, but did not have a picture ID. She asked me to go with as I did have one. She had to give me the money and I passed it on to the clerk. (Trump's law). Yes, he actually said you need a picture ID to buy groceries.

Now, we continue Chomsky, this time just on Gaza and Israel:

* * *

Israel has passed a widely-condemned law that defines Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people and gives Jews the sole right to self-determination. It also declares Hebrew the country's only official language and encourages the building of Jewish-only settlements on occupied territory as a "national value." The law has drawn international condemnation and accusations that Israel has legalized apartheid. For more we speak with world-renowned political dissident, author, and linguist Noam Chomsky. He is a laureate professor in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Arizona and Professor Emeritus at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he taught for more than 50 years.


Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: Let me ask you about Israel right now. Israel's passage of the new law that defines Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people and gives them the sole right to self-determination. The law also declares Hebrew the country's only official language and encourages the building of Jewish-only settlements in the occupied territory as a national value. This is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
PRIME MINISTER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: This is a defining moment in the annals of Zionism and the history of the state of Israel. We will keep ensuring civil rights in Israel's democracy. These rights will not be harmed. But the majority also has rights and the majority decides. An absolute majority wants to ensure our state's Jewish character for generations to come.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about this new law, Noam Chomsky?
NOAM CHOMSKY: First of all, a slight correction: the all-Jewish settlements that are authorized are within Israel proper. It's not even a question on the Occupied Territories. They're all like that. But this is within Israel proper.
So, yes, the new law does change the existing situation, but not by as much as is being claimed. What the new law describes has pretty much been in place for a long time. Basic law back in—land laws back in 1960 established what the Israeli High Court called, concluded is—their statement was "Israel is the sovereign state of the Jewish people"—all Jewish people, but not its citizens, just the Jews. That was 60 years ago.
The land laws were set up in such a way that, as was recognized at the time, in fact, that—internally in Israel, not outside—that the state lands would be effectively under the administration of the Jewish National Fund. An array of legal and administrative practices were set up to ensure that. If you're interested in details, I wrote about them in detail 30 years ago in a book called Towards a New Cold War, sort of went through the documents. But, basically, a complex array was set up to ensure that the Jewish National Fund would be in control of state lands. That amounts to over 90 percent of the country's lands.
What's the mission of the Jewish National Fund? Well, it has a contract with the state of Israel which determines that its mission is to work for the benefit—I'm quoting now—of people "of Jewish race, religion or origin." OK, what do you expect to follow from this? What you expect to follow is that 92, 93 percent of the land of the country is effectively reserved for people of Jewish race, religion and origin. And that's the way it played out.
This finally came to the court, the Israeli courts, High Court, in the year 2000. Civil liberties association in Israel brought a case. The plaintiffs were an Arab couple, professional Arab couple, who wanted to buy a home in a Jewish settlement, settlement of Katzir, which was, like most of the country, restricted to Jews. The court finally ruled in their favor, in a very narrow decision.
Almost immediately, efforts began to try to figure out a way around it, by various devices. And the new law simply authorizes it, straight. It authorizes all-Jewish settlements in Israel proper, which means about 90 percent of the country. If you look at the development of settlements over the years—it's discussed in an important article by Israeli writer Yitzhak Laor in a recent issue of Haaretz. I wrote about it in a post here in Truthout. He points out that I think about 700 all-Jewish settlements were set up, no Arab settlements. Arab Palestinians are restricted to about two percent of the land, a lot of them being kicked out of that.
So, all of this, it formalizes what has been practiced, in complex ways. It does demote Arabic from being an official language to not having that status. It enhances the past practices by introducing them into what's called the Basic Law, which is effectively the constitution. So, yes, these are changes, but less dramatic than the way it's portrayed, not because these are proper moves, but because it's always been like that in one way or another.
Incidentally, this should not be too strange to Americans. You look at the housing—this has recently been discussed by [Richard] Rothstein, an interesting book. If you look at the New Deal housing programs, they were legally and explicitly directed to ensuring white-only projects, white-only towns. That's why the towns that sprang up in the 1950s, like Levittown, were 100 percent white. Various legal requirements were introduced to ensure that. This is the New Deal. We're not talking about the Deep South, although, of course, they influenced it.
This didn't change until the late '60s. And by then, it was too late to benefit African Americans. The reason was because of general economic changes in the '50s—'50s and the '60s were a great growth period in the United States, offered the first time in hundreds of years of history, 400 years of history, for African Americans to have some sort of a chance of entering the mainstream society. But they were blocked from housing, by legal means. By the time the legal means were dismantled, we were moving into the onset of the neoliberal period of stagnation and decline, so it didn't do them any good. That's another chapter in the ugly history of American racism.
So, we shouldn't be all too startled to see what's going on in Israel, which is quite ugly and is part of the shift of the country far to the right, which was predicted in 1967, predicted right off, that a consequence of the occupation would be to turn the country to the right. When you have your jackboot on someone's neck, it's not good for your psyche. And I think we've been watching this happen.
Israel is quite aware of it, incidentally. Israeli political analysts have been pointing out for a couple of years that Israel should be preparing itself for a period in which it loses the support of sectors of the world that have some concern for human rights and international law, and should be returning towards alliances with the countries that just don't care about this. Say, India, under the recent ultranationalist Modi government, shares with Israel the move towards ultranationalism, repression, a hatred of Islam; China doesn't pay attention to these things; Singapore; Saudi Arabia; United Arab Emirates.
And we can see it happening in the United States, as well. So, not too long ago, Israel was the absolute darling of progressive, liberal America. That has changed. By now, among self-identified Democrats, they have considerably more support for Palestinians than for Israel. Support for Israel in the United States has shifted to the ultranationalist right and evangelicals, who, for the wrong reasons, support Israeli actions, with some passion, in fact, while at the same time many of them hold to doctrines which claim that the second coming of Christ, which is imminent, will lead to a series of events which will end up with the Jews being sent to eternal perdition. That combines with the support for Israeli actions. And that's why the base of Israeli support in the United States has shifted to the right wing of the Republican Party. So, these things are happening all over the world.
AMY GOODMAN: Noam Chomsky, now linguistics professor at the University of Arizona, Tucson. Coming up, he'll talk about the crisis in Gaza.
In Gaza, thousands gathered Saturday for the funeral of 11-year-old Majdi al-Satari, who died after he was shot in the head by an Israeli sniper Friday at protests near the separation fence with Israel. 17-year-old Moumin al-Hams and 43-year-old Ghazi Abu Mustafa were also shot and killed by Israeli snipers at the protests. In total, Israeli soldiers have killed at least 150 Palestinians since the Palestinians' nonviolent Great March of Return protests began on March 30. For more we speak with world-renowned political dissident, author, and linguist Noam Chomsky. He is a laureate professor in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Arizona and Professor Emeritus at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he taught for more than 50 years.


Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: "Noam Chomsky Is a Soft Revolution" by Foy Vance. This is Democracy Now! I'm Amy Goodman, as we return to our conversation with the world-renowned dissident, linguist and professor Noam Chomsky.
Let's turn to the situation in Gaza. Israel's Internal Security Minister Gilad Erdan said Thursday Israel could launch another wide-scale military operation against the Gaza Strip. This comes after Israel's violent crackdown on peaceful protests in Gaza from March to May, when Israeli forces killed over 136 Palestinians, injured over 14,000 Palestinians. I want to turn to the Canadian doctor, the Palestinian-Canadian doctor Tarek Loubani, who was shot by Israeli forces in both legs while he was helping treat Palestinians injured by Israeli forces during the nonviolent Great March of Return. It was May 14th, a Monday. I asked Dr. Loubani—this is right after he was shot—if he felt he was targeted.
DR. TAREK LOUBANI: I don't know the answer to that. I don't know what orders they received or what was in their heads, so I can't tell you if we were deliberately targeted. What I can tell you is the things that I do know. In the six weeks of the March, there were no paramedic casualties. And in one day, 19 paramedics—18 wounded plus one killed—and myself were all injured, so—or were all shot with live ammunition. We were all—Musa was actually in a rescue at the time, but everybody else I've talked to was like me. We were away during a lull, without smoke, without any chaos at all, and we were targeted—and we were, rather, hit by live ammunition, most of us in the lower limbs. So, it's very, very hard to believe that the Israelis who shot me and the Israelis who shot my other colleagues—just from our medical crew, four of us were shot, including Musa Abuhassanin, who passed away—It's very hard to believe that they didn't know who we were, they didn't know what we were doing, and that they were aiming at anything else.
AMY GOODMAN: So, later that same day, May 14th, the man that Tarek was just talking about, Dr. Loubani was talking about, paramedic Musa Abuhassanin, was shot and killed by Israeli forces. He was shot in the chest. Dr. Loubani tweeted a photo captioned, "A haunting photo, Friday, May 11. Left: Mohammed Migdad, shot in the right ankle. Hassan Abusaada. Tarek Loubani, shot in left leg and right knee. Moumin Silmi. Youssef Almamlouk. Musa Abuhassanin, shot in the thorax and killed. Volunteer unknown. Photographer: shot and wounded." And he showed this photograph that he had, that he thought he was just going to have for a scrapbook, and then realized these were some of the last days of their lives. What's going on in Gaza right now, from your perspective, Noam?
NOAM CHOMSKY: We can add to that list the young Palestinian woman, a medic, who was murdered by a sniper, far from the so-called border, when she was tending to a wounded patient. Yes, it's hideously ugly.
But there's a background, as always. The crucial background is that Israeli—this Israeli stranglehold on Gaza, which has reduced the life to bare survival, has reached the point where the United Nations, other analysts predict that by the year 2020, Gaza will literally be uninhabitable. That's two million people, half of them children, being caged in a prison, carefully controlled, savage restrictions on food, on anything that comes to them, to the extent that the fishermen are kept close to shore so they can't fish, the sewage plants have been destroyed, the power plants have been attacked.
The official program—official—was to keep Gaza on what was called a diet, barely enough to survive. Doesn't look good if they all starve to death. Notice that this is occupied territory, as recognized by—even by the United States, everyone but Israel. So, here's a population kept in a prison, in an occupied territory, fed a diet to keep them at bare survival, constantly used as a punching bag for what's called—what calls itself the most moral army in the world, now reaching a point where within a couple years it will be uninhabitable, yes, and in addition to that you have sadistic acts like highly trained snipers killing a young Palestinian woman medic when she's tending a patient, and what the doctor just described.
What do we do with it? We actually react to that. The United States has reacted. It has reacted by very sharply cutting its funding to the one organization, UNRWA, U.N. organization, that keeps the population barely alive. That's our response, along with, of course, overwhelming support for Israel, providing with the arms, diplomatic support and so on. One of the most extraordinary scandals, if that's the right word, in the modern world.
Can we do something about it? Sure, of course we can. Gaza should be a thriving Mediterranean paradise. It has a wonderful location, has agricultural resources, could be marvelous beaches, fishing, sea resources, even has natural gas offshore, which it's not being allowed to use. So there's plenty that can be done. But we've—the U.S. has preferred, under repeated administrations, but much worse now, to, as usual, support the murderers.
AMY GOODMAN: Noam, Israel is threatening another strike on Gaza like what they called Operation Protective Edge in 2014 when they killed well over 2,000 people—about, oh, around a quarter of that number children.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yes, they are threatening. If you look over the record—there's no time to talk about it now—there's a marvelous book that just came out, incidentally. Norman Finkelstein's book Gaza, which is about Gaza's martyrdom, is a definitive study of this. But what's happened since 2005 is pretty straightforward. I mean, the previous history is ugly enough. But in 2005, Ariel Sharon, other Israeli hawks, recognized that it didn't make any sense to keep a couple of thousand Jewish settlers illegally settling in Gaza, using up most of its resources and devoting a large part of the Israeli army to protecting them. That was totally senseless. So they decided to move them from their illegal, subsidized settlements in Gaza to illegal, subsidized settlements in areas that Israel wanted to keep, in the West Bank, in the Golan Heights.
It was framed as a traumatic event, but that was a play for world opinion. It was basically a joke. They could have done it quite easily. And they pulled out, and that was called a withdrawal. But they remained under total Israeli occupation, just that the army wasn't inside Gaza; it was controlling it from the outside. There was an agreement reached in November 2005 between the Palestinians and Israel on a ceasefire, no violence, opening Gaza's seaport, rebuilding the airport that Israel had destroyed, opening the border so that there could be free flow between Israel and Egypt and so on. That agreement lasted a couple of weeks, in—that was November.
In January, the Palestinians committed a major crime: They ran a free election, recognized to be free and fair, only one in the Arab world. But it came out the wrong way. The wrong people won: Hamas. Israel, at once, escalated violence, tightened the siege, increased the repression against Gaza, imposed the diet. The U.S. reacted by standard operating procedure: started to organize a military coup. Hamas preempted the military coup, which was an even greater crime. Violence, the U.S.-Israeli violence, increased. The savagery of the siege increased, and so on.
Then it goes on like that. Repeatedly, there's an episode of what Israel calls mowing the lawn. Smash them up. They're defenseless, of course. Then there's an agreement reached, which Hamas accepts and lives up to. Israel violates it constantly. Finally, an Israeli escalation of the violation leads to some Hamas response, which Israel uses as a pretext for the next episode of mowing the lawn. I've reviewed this. Norman Finkelstein reviews it in his book. Others have. That's been the history since 2005.
So, yes, there might be another one. But now we're reaching a point where it's almost terminal. Repeat, it's expected that the Gaza Strip, having been devastated so savagely over the years, will literally become uninhabitable. Now, there are ways to deal with this. It's not a—doesn't take a brilliant scientist to figure it out. It's quite obvious.
AMY GOODMAN: And Noam, the solution that you say that is straightforward and simple?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Very straightforward. Live up to the terms of the November 2005 agreement. Allow Gaza to reconstruct. Open the entry points to Israel and Egypt. Rebuild the seaport that was smashed. Rebuild the airport that Israel destroyed. Allow them to reconstruct the power plants. Let them become a flourishing Mediterranean site. And, of course, permit—remember that the famous Oslo Agreements required, explicitly, that the Gaza Strip and the West Bank be a unified territory and that its territorial integrity must be maintained. Israel and the United States reacted at once by separating them. OK? That's not a law of nature, either. Palestinian national rights can be achieved, if the U.S., Israel are willing to accept that.
AMY GOODMAN: Noam Chomsky, the world-renowned political dissident, author and linguist, now a laureate professor in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Arizona, Tucson. Chomsky taught for 50 years at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Visit Democracynow.org to watch our first full hour with Noam Chomsky, discussing immigration, U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and more. In the coming week, you'll hear Noam Chomsky on North Korea, Yemen, Iran and more. And that does it for our broadcast. I'm Amy Goodman. Our website, Democracynow.org. Thanks for joining us.
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