Monday, September 29, 2008

extra -- rejected

THE ABSURD TIMES

205 to 228, it failed. THE ONLY REGRET I HAVE IS THAT THE REPUBLICANS DISLIKED THIS BILL SO MUCH AND CONSIDERED IT "SOCIALISM". I ONLY WISH IT WAS.

BUT IT IS GONE AND NOW THE MARKET IS CRASHING.

NOW MAYBE THEY WILL PASS A REAL REGULATION BILL THAT WILL HELP
"MAIN STREET"!

NOW THE GUN IS TO THEIR HEADS!

140 DEM AND 65 REPUBLICANS VOTED FOR IT.

NOW -- LET'S GET BACK TO REAL REGULATION!


Bailout a Sellout

THE ABSURD TIMES



Illustration: The damn thing is a sham and does not help "Main Street"

There is simply no way the mainstream press covers this bailout properly. Even CSPAN can't cover what is really going on as most of this has been carried out in secret. We have heard about taking over assets, a moratorium on foreclosures, increased regulation, in short, a New Deal, a restoration of what has been gutted from what Roosevelt provided. None of this is done. Indeed, we even need more regulation that used to be in place as the economic situation is different. We have hear that all of this is in the bill, but what happened to it?

Later, I'll post on the site the complete transcript from Democracy Now that aired this morning. It is not ready yet, but the House is about to vote on it right now.

Nowhere was the actually wording of the bill available.

The Bill does not require a majority share by the treasury. There is no requirement to prioritize assets. The bill does not "mandate" helping "distressed" households -- the word used is "encourage." Instead of "will" or "must," the words used are more like "may".

Now I've been told my prose is dense. Well, try reading this charade of a Bill, written by politician/lawyers, lawyers who couldn't make it practicing law so opted out for a political career. Now, don't get me wrong, I am very close to some lawyers -- and some of my best friends are lawyers. However, I also know a number of lawyers who are assholes. The problem is that they have a stake in writing prose that nobody can read.

I hear that Waxman and Barney Frank will hold hearings and look into regulations and foreclosure relief -- later, after these crooks have the money! Hell, that's the only leverage we have!

By the time this gets out, the House will probably have passed this mess. However, since tomorrow is a Jewish holiday and money is involved, there will be a recess tomorrow and the Senate will not take it up on Wed. That gives us some time to make ourselves heard.

Sunday, September 28, 2008

BLOGGER AND WIDGETS

THE ABSURD TIMES



It took awhile for me. The first time I tried to switch, I lost my Hightower countdown to the end of Bush and the counter. So, I reverted to the old style and reinserted these into the html script. Well, they were ok for awhile and then disappeared. I grew frustrated.

However, a few days ago, I tried again to switch and was amazed at how easy it had become. You can add gadgets to the sidebar merely by choosing them from a list. Furthermore, you can add your favorites without doing all the searching for the right spot in the code. Simply pick the "third party" option and paste the code in and you are ready to go. In fact, I was also able to modify the width of one as it was about a quarter of an inch too wide as it was.

If I can switch, anyone can, as I'm not the type who revels anymore in writing and inserting code or cracking things.

Anyway,
Above is a great illustration again.

Friday, September 26, 2008

Almost a Decent Solution, but McCain to the Rescue

THE ABSURD TIMES





Illustration: Almost, but not quite!

It was a bit frightening to learn yesterday that an agreement had been reached "in principle." No details of the principles were disclosed, but they must have leaked out. See, the agreement provided by getting rid of some of the more draconian provisions of the recent bankruptcy regulations promoted by lobbyists for credit card companies, freezing repossessions, eliminating huge golden parachutes, letting the government own the property, etc. In short, it was close to the original proposal outlined by Chris Dodd some time ago.

However, McCain came to the rescue, tried to avoid the debate in order to save Sarah Palin from her debate (she can't even talk sensibly with Katie Couric) and himself from Obama, and managed to scuttle the entire thing so that it would revert to unfettered corporatism. Even Paulson had agreed, but the fascist right wing Republicans in the house were led in revolt by McCain.

For those of you reading on the blog, the sidebar stuff includes the "Monet of the Day," the BBC news Ticker (you can choose categories by clicking on the tabs), the Hightower countdown clock of seconds, hours, days left in the Bush presidency, and a counter. I'll add other stuff as it intrigues me. I experimented with this text on the left side, but it youst didn't look or read right. If you have any suggestions, you can comment below.

Back to everybody. Here is a column on the subject:

Our Financial 9/11: Can They Save The System?

The Bush Adminsitartion's Rescue Plan Is Not Likely to Work

NEW YORK: The world is holding its breath.

Many know and the rest of us are just finding out that in this turbulent month of September, the US is experiencing a financial 9/11, probably worse than the one in 2001, as a series of cataclysmic developments rock our economic system which is, in turn, intangled with others worldwide. Terms like "Armageddon" are now being used in polite company.

Imagine being a fly on the wall last Thursday night as the head of the Federal Reserve Bank, Ben Bernanke, and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, met behind closed doors in House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's office. The meeting was called urgent; it was also unprecedented.

It was a truth-telling moment as Michael Shedlock describes it on the Seeking Alpha Financial website:

"When you listened to him describe it you gulped," said Senator Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York.

As Senator Christopher J. Dodd, Democrat of Connecticut and chairman of the Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee, put it Friday morning on the ABC program "Good Morning America," the congressional leaders were told "that we're literally maybe days away from a complete meltdown of our financial system, with all the implications here at home and globally."

Mr. Schumer added, "History was sort of hanging over it, like this was a moment."

When Mr. Schumer described the meeting as "somber," Mr. Dodd cut in. "Somber doesn't begin to justify the words," he said. "We have never heard language like this."

Until that moment the full extent of this disaster had been hidden from Congress and the American people with all kinds of upbeat blather and outright lies about how the "fundamentals of the economy" were sound.

Suddenly nothing was sound. The government than announced a rescue plan. On Saturday, The Bush Administration said they want $700 billion to fund it, but that may just be the start.

The plan includes creating a new entity like the RTC that ended the S&L crisis in the 1980's to buy up and sell-off bad mortgages and other "illiquid assets," billions to back up money market funds, and new SEC edicts to stop short sellers from undermining stock prices-a measure backed by John McCain who has made "the shorts" his boogie man over the fierce editorial objections of the Wall Street Journal editorial page and most anyone who knows anything about the way the market works.

Barack Obama has so far supported this major intervention into saving the markets that may cost taxpayers a trillion dollars or more although he wants to consult with other countries on what to do.

Much of our media has ignored international fears as this crisis ripples globally. China has already called the crisis a "financial tsunami" and called for a new non-US based currency system.

The stock markets were euphoric Friday and shot up as if the crisis had been solved. It was more "market psychology" which is not the same thing as common sense. Joe Nocera in the New York Times was less positive, likening these measures to a "hail mary pass" in football where a quarterback just flings the ball in the final minutes of the game and hopes someone catches it, noting that "most of the time they fail."

Blogger Shedlock says, at best, these moves postponed Armageddon but did not end the danger:

"Government manipulation can never prevent financial Armageddon. In fact, government intervention and manipulation in the free markets eventually guarantees financial Armageddon. Armageddon was not prevented, only delayed, and at taxpayer expense."

Nocera agrees, concluding with the kind of understatement you expect from the newspaper of record, "as much as we might hope that the government finally has the answer, it probably doesn't."

So much for all that "problem solved" optimism you have been seeing on TV.

Also troubling is the tendency in the media to blame the crisis on "mistakes" by irresponsible lenders and irresponsible borrowers as if their contributions to this crisis balanced each other out and, hence, since everyone was at fault, no one is at fault.

This "logic" compares the Jones family that took a subprime loan after being targeted by fraudulent brokers who assured them it was a great deal and that they couldn't lose, with a powerful industry that knew they couldn't afford to their home but went ahead anyway securitizing the mortgage, slicing and dicing it into financial instruments and then misrepresenting its value to buyers and investors worldwide.

Since when do you equate individuals with institutions?

The buyer was duped; the lender and the multi-million dollar Wall Street market machine behind these unscrupulous brokers were consciously exploiting people who had no idea they were victimized by a well-calculated and criminal ponzi scheme. The FBI is investigating some of these crimes, so far indicting 400 scammers, but our media continues to leave out the criminal cabal behind this crisis. They support the bailouts but have yet to call for a jail out as if they are unaware that Wall Street is not just a financial center but has been a crime scene.

No wonder that a reader to the New York Times called this measure a "No Banker Left Behind Scheme."

This crisis is hardly over.

Listen to economist Nouriel Roubini who has been on target in most of his forecasts,

He predicts, according to financial writer Felix Salmon, "Credit losses of $2 trillion, half the US banking system nationalized, municipal defaults, house price declines accelerating, a sudden stop in consumer spending, global contagion, stagflation, you name it."

Roubini concludes:

"At this point the perfect financial storm of the century cannot be contained. The only light at the end of the tunnel is the one of the coming financial and economic train wreck."

If you think you can trust this Administration to solve this crisis when it has created so many others, think again. Unfortunately neither political party seems to have a clear take on what is happening or any plan to solve it.

So strap in, we are in for volatile rollercoaster ride.

Danny Schechter made the film IN DEBT WE TRUST (indebtwetrust.com) warning of the crisis and has written the just published PLUNDER: Investigating Our Economic Calamity (Cosimo) available at online book stores. Comments to Dissector@mediachannel.org



Thursday, September 25, 2008

The Bailout or an Economic Mugging?

The Absurd Times



Illustration: Kieth Tucker of www.whatnowtoons.com has the situation exactly.

***************************************



Here is a good example of why we need more than a two party system. Also, if McCain wants to chicken out of the debate, why not hold it with all the other Presidential Candidates? You would still have about 6 or 7 people there on stage, all on the ballots, some with a measurable percentage of the vote.

Another important point: it has always at least since Reagen, been policy to "starve the beast," meaning entitlements, meaning things that do any good for anyone. Bush has managed to trash about 3 trillion (counting everything) in Iraq, but this a way to dump another three quarters of a trillion -- see, looks like Omaba might actually do some things like healthcare so let's get rid of the money before he is elected.

You know, why doesn't the government simply buy all those houses and lease them to the residents? No, that would be *gasp* Socialism!

They just announced they have an agreement "in principle," so it is not too late to call, e-mail, or fax your representative or senators (although I haven't the slightest idea of what would convince them of anything).



**************************************



Rush Transcript

This transcript is available free of charge. However, donations help us provide closed captioning for the deaf and hard of hearing on our TV broadcast. Thank you for your generous contribution.
Donate - $25, $50, $100, More...

Related Links

JUAN GONZALEZ: The Bush administration is intensifying its pressure on Congress to quickly approve a $700 billion bailout of the financial industry, despite warnings from economists and some governmental officials that the bailout could worsen the financial crisis.

Last night, President Bush held a prime-time address to warn the nation’s entire economy is in danger if the bailout is not approved as soon as possible.

    PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: The government’s top economic experts warn that without immediate action by Congress, America could slip into a financial panic, and a distressing scenario would unfold. More banks could fail, including some in your community. The stock market would drop even more, which would reduce the value of your retirement account. The value of your home could plummet. Foreclosures would rise dramatically. And if you own a business or a farm, you would find it harder and more expensive to get credit. More businesses would close their doors, and millions of Americans could lose their jobs. Even if you have good credit history, it would be more difficult for you to get the loans you need to buy a car or send your children to college. And ultimately, our country could experience a long and painful recession. Fellow citizens, we must not let this happen.


JUAN GONZALEZ: [Wednesday] night’s address was the first time in his presidency that Bush delivered a prime-time speech devoted exclusively to the economy. His dire scenario about the state of the economy stood in stark contrast to his comments at his last press conference two months ago.

    PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: I think the system basically is sound. I truly do. And I understand there’s a lot of nervousness, and—but the economy is growing, productivity is high, trade’s up. People are working. It’s not as good as we would like, but—and to the extent that we find weakness, we’ll move. That’s one thing about this administration: we’re not afraid to making tough decisions.


AMY GOODMAN: Today, the President is holding an emergency summit at the White House with both John McCain and Barack Obama, as well as top leaders for Congress. The Wall Street Journal reports Democratic leaders are hoping to nail down details of the bailout measure early today.

On Wednesday, McCain said he would suspend his campaign to deal with the financial crisis. He called on Obama to postpone their debate Friday night, saying he would only attend if Congress approves a bailout package before then. Obama said the debate in Oxford, Mississippi at Ole Miss should go on as planned.

We’re joined on the phone right now by a presidential candidate who was not invited to Friday’s debate, Independent candidate Ralph Nader. The longtime consumer advocate has been a vocal critic of the Wall Street bailout.

Ralph Nader, welcome to Democracy Now! First, let’s start off with John McCain announcing that he is going to suspend his campaign and wants the debate cancelled.

RALPH NADER: Well, I think Senator McCain is showboating. I mean, what’s going on in Washington and Congress now is the Bush administration is trying to pull the Constitution out by its roots and demand that Congress give it a blank check, without any criteria, without any accountability, for $700 billion bailout of Wall Street. It’s not dependent on whether John McCain returns to Washington other than to vote. I think he’s turning his back on over 50 million American voters who expect him to show up in Ole Miss with Barack Obama and who have made arrangements to do so. He talks a lot about honor and commitment. I think he ought to change his mind and get down to Ole Miss.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Ralph, the Democrats are claiming that they’ve been able to get some key concessions from the administration on its original plan. They say now they’re going to be—they’re going to cap CEO pay for those who participate in this bailout and that they’re going to get some kind of government participation or investment in these firms, so that if they make profits later on, that—or these securities make profits later on, that the government will be able to participate. But your sense—are these real substantive changes, or is this basically cosmetics on a plan that shouldn’t be in place in the first place?

RALPH NADER: Well, so far, it’s wish fulfillment. If you watch what Barney Frank, the chairman of the House Banking Committee, said yesterday, nothing has really been decided.

And also, it’s not clear at all why a bailout is needed. That’s part of the stampede in the pack and the panic that Bush and Paulson and Bernanke are pushing Congress toward. You know, it’s eerily reminiscent, when you listen to Bush yesterday, of how he stampeded the Congress and the country into the criminal war invasion of Iraq in 2003. I mean, look at all his statements: this could do this, this would do that, farms failing, small business, tada, tada. The first question we have to ask as citizens is, why is there a need for a bailout?

The only conceivable purpose of Treasury intervention, said Roger Lowenstein in the New Republic recently, quote, "is to buoy the market using taxpayer funds by paying higher-than-market prices. After all, if the government merely intended to match the market, what would be the point?” end-quote. In other words, if these mortgage-backed securities are distressed, well, they’re going to fetch a lower price. There’s huge amount of money on the sidelines in Wall Street, everybody admits that. So, as a hedge fund manager basically said, look, if the price comes down lower than what the government is trying to keep elevated, we’ll buy this paper. Warren Buffett put $5 billion into Goldman Sachs this week. There’s a lot of money to go around.

It’s quite interesting how the Bush regime is creating its own panic. When the government keeps saying Chicken Little, Chicken Little, the market is going to react in a very nervous manner. It’s a reversal of what the government usually does, which is to counsel stability and patience, etc.

So, the first question Congress should ask in detailed hearings, which aren’t occurring, is simply, why is there need for a bailout? Second is, if there is a need for a bailout, why $700 billion? And third, if there is a need for a bailout, what kind of bailout? Taxpayer equity? So the taxpayer can recover if these companies make a profit, they can recover surplus, perhaps the way they did on the taxpayer bailout in 1979 with Chrysler, where Jimmy Carter demanded that Chrysler issue stock warrants to the Treasury, and Chrysler turned around, and the Treasury sold the warrants for a $400 million profit.

I don’t think the Democrats show any nerve that they are going to do anything but cave here. And the statements by Nancy Pelosi are not reassuring, which is, “Well, it’s the Republicans’ bill, you know. Let them take responsibility for it.” That doesn’t work. She’s the Speaker of the House. The Democrats have got to say, “Slow down. We’re not going to be stampeded into this bill by Friday or Saturday. We’re going to have very, very thorough hearings.” Otherwise, it’s another collapse, at constitutional levels, of the Congress before King George IV.

AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to Independent presidential candidate Ralph Nader. We’ll come back to this discussion. We’ll also be joined by Arun Gupta, who is the editor of The Indypendent and put out a letter on the internet that has just set the internet on fire, calling for a major protest today on Wall Street. It has gained steam. Many groups have signed on. Stay with us.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: Our guest on the phone with us from Pittsburgh, where he’s campaigning, is Ralph Nader, Independent presidential candidate. Juan?

JUAN GONZALEZ: Ralph, you mention how the Democrats themselves are being stampeded at this point by the Bush administration. In my column in the Daily News yesterday, I raised how another Democratic leader and another Democratic Congress handled a situation, even a more dire situation, in 1933, on the two days after Franklin Delano Roosevelt was inaugurated as president, with thousands of banks crashing at that point, and he immediately shut down all the banks on his second day in office, called Congress into an emergency session and, over the next hundred days, adopted incredible legislation, including the Glass-Steagall Act, that we’ve mentioned quite often, on federal deposit insurance, aid to homeowners, farm subsidies, created the Tennessee Valley Authority, all in the midst of a crisis, probably the most progressive amount of legislation in the nation’s history, in any period. That’s a quite different approach. And he specifically criticized the banks and Wall Street as being at the root of the crisis.

RALPH NADER: That’s right. In those days, they had a serious solvency problem for these banks, which they don’t have, by and large, today. And that was admitted by Bernanke yesterday. Basically, Bernanke is saying, “Well, we’re doing this because the banks are contracting their credit, and this is affecting the economy.” Well, you can deal with that problem in a far better way than an ill-defined $700 billion bailout with total authority to the Treasury Secretary, with no judicial review, with no criteria and no reforms.

In other words, the Democrats should say, if they’re going to concede this bailout, is to say, “Well, we want comprehensive regulation and disclosure of the financial industry to make sure this doesn’t happen again. We want criminal prosecution of the crooks on Wall Street and disgorgement of their ill-gotten gains. We want a securities derivative tax and higher margin requirements to make speculators use their money, more of their money than other people’s money, like worker pension funds, to keep down speculation, as well as to produce revenues, which might lighten the tax load on working families. And we want to give shareholders control over the corporations they own.”

And they’re not even talking about these kinds of reforms. And this is the best time to get these reforms, because this is called a must bill on Congress—in Congress, and if Bush wants his package, he’s going to have to sign them. So, there’s no reciprocity here. It’s the usual fairly good questions by the Democrats at the hearings, but because they don’t follow through, they don’t have adequate leadership, it becomes a kind of posturing. It’s just maddening to watch how vague Bernanke and Paulson are in answering one question after another. It’s just an evasion, where they keep saying, “We need to do it. We need to do it.” And their Chicken Little material is conducted in closed session with Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi and the Republican leadership. It’s always in closed session.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, Ralph Nader, something that isn’t vague are the emerging rallies against Wall Street bailout that are being held today in over a hundred cities. In Washington, protesters are gathering outside the Treasury Department at 4:00 p.m. Here in New York, a protest is set for 4:00 p.m., as well, in Bowling Green Park near Wall Street.

The day of action has been partly inspired by an email sent out Monday by New York journalist Arun Gupta. In the email, Gupta described the bailout as the biggest robbery in world history. Arun Gupta is a reporter and editor at The Indypendent newspaper here in New York. He joins us in the firehouse.

You’ve just been written up in BusinessWeek. Talk about this letter. Talk about what you are putting out there.

ARUN GUPTA: Well, I do a good bit of economic writing, and I was trying to decipher the plan this weekend, and it became quickly apparent to me that this is a financial September 11th, that the Bush administration was trying to use the shock of this crisis, the self-induced crisis in this case, to ram through legislation that was highly ill-considered in terms of the actual economic merits, on the one hand, and then, on the other hand, it was this extreme power grab that would give these huge sweeping new powers to the Treasury Department.

So I wrote up this email. I sat on it overnight, because I was hesitant to send it out. I’m a journalist, not an organizer. But after talking with a few people, they felt I should send it out, so I sent it out to about 150 activists, organizers and media folks that I know in New York City. And it just exploded. You know, I don’t take any special credit for it. I was just tapping into this huge amount of anger and resentment that was out there.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Now, when you say “exploded,” what was the response?

ARUN GUPTA: Well, I talked to people who, within one hour of me sending it out and then them—I encouraged people, “Please forward widely.” They told me that within less than an hour, they had received it back from five or six different people. By the end of the day, apparently, a lot of big groups started jumping on it, including unions. By the next day, it was being endorsed and variations were being forwarded by True Majority, Code Pink, United for Peace and Justice. And so, it was just—it really showed the power of the internet in a particular moment.

AMY GOODMAN: So, talk about these protests that are taking place around the country.

ARUN GUPTA: Well, it started, as you know—the idea is like gather in Wall Street, and I thought maybe it would be a dozen people, and we’d be standing on the sidewalk. But now it looks like there will be hundreds, even possibly thousands. And then, True Majority picked up the call, along with United for Peace and Justice, one of the main antiwar groups, and they said, you know, “Let’s have these day of actions around the country.”

So, all over the country now, there are going to be protests in various financial centers. I’ve been getting emails from people, you know, from every single corner of the United States, asking, you know, “What’s going on? How do we plug in?” And so, we’re just trying to point them to these websites. It’s like, look, here’s a list of the protests, or you can plan your own event. And this is really coming from across the political spectrum.

JUAN GONZALEZ: And as you said in your email, this is leaderless, and no main organization is in charge or no individual is in charge. Everyone is just participating themselves.

ARUN GUPTA: That’s what’s great about it. You know, when people say, “Who’s organizing this?” I say, “No one and everyone.” This was just a call to self-organize. And, you know, it’s like I’m just going to show up there as just one more person who’s against this ridiculous bailout, this giveaway to the rich.

AMY GOODMAN: Ralph Nader, who is Henry Paulson? I mean, we know he worked for Nixon, was the aide to John Ehrlichman, the ex-con, the man who went to jail; then went off to Goldman Sachs; he and Alan Greenspan still being considered the economic wise men, even though this all happened under their watch.

RALPH NADER: That’s when you know the system is decayed and corrupt, that the people who brought us this disaster—Robert Rubin, with Bill Clinton pushing through the financial deregulation monster in 1999, which we opposed, which opened the gates for this kind of wild speculation and this casino capitalism, is still an adviser. He’s an adviser to Barack Obama. He’s an adviser to members of Congress. Henry Paulson cashed out at Goldman Sachs in 2006 a half-a-billion dollars. And now he goes to Washington to bail out his buddies.

The public outrage out there is really enormous. The calls coming into C-SPAN yesterday were overwhelmingly against this bailout, this outrageous inequity, this double standard between the guys at the top and the people who are going to have to pay the bills under this bailout, the taxpayers and the consumers.

Mr. Gupta is right in the sense that this is leaderless, but it’s got to be more than just a rally of protests. It’s got to demand something. It’s got to be focused. Otherwise, it will fritter away. We’ve had rallies on Wall Street. It’s a great place to have rallies. You can really congregate a lot of people, and the Wall Street guys look out the window, and they can see the people are coming.

But the first step is to slow down Congress. Once this bill is passed—and it’s a blanket bill. It’s only four pages, Amy, four pages of a $700 billion blank check, transferring congressional authority wholesale, and I think unconstitutionally, to the White House, King George IV at work again. Once it passes, then the chance for comprehensive regulation and all the other changes to make Wall Street accountable, instead of allow Wall Street to create a corporate state or what Franklin Delano Roosevelt called fascism, which is government controlled by private economic power, represented by people like Henry Paulson—once this happens, it’s not going to be reversible.

JUAN GONZALEZ: And Ralph, what about the homeowners who were at the center of this crisis in foreclosure? A million Americans have lost their homes in recent years. There seems to be still no clear sense that any kind of bill will actually provide clear relief for people facing the loss of their homes.

RALPH NADER: You’re absolutely right, because Barney Frank was asked about that last night after the hearing, and he said, “This is a money proposition, if you’re going to deal with the homeowners. It’s not my Banking Committee; it’s Charlie Rangel’s House Ways and Means.” In other words, there’s nothing in this bill for homeowners. There’s everything in this bill to bail out the bankers who actually created this problem with these out-of-control speculative financial instruments.

AMY GOODMAN: Cynthia McKinney has offered to debate Barack Obama if he’s the only one who shows up at Ole Miss tomorrow. Are you also going to make that offer? And, Ralph Nader, would you consider, given the stakes of this election, encouraging your supporters in swing states to vote for Barack Obama?

RALPH NADER: Well, first, I’d be very happy to sit in the seat emptied by John McCain. But I think the stage can handle the only—only six presidential candidates. There aren’t enough electoral colleges to theoretically win the election. And second, I’m not at all impressed by Barack Obama’s positions on this so-called bailout. It’s just rhetoric. His Senate record has not reflected that at all.

As we campaign around the country—we’re now in forty-five states plus the District of Columbia, and we’re running five, six, seven percent in the polls, which is equivalent to nine, ten million eligible voters—we are going to try to rouse the public in a specific way: laser-beam focus on their senators and representatives. When these senators and representatives, if they allow this bailout deal in this general, vague manner to pass, when they go back home, they’re going to hit hornets’ nest. This is a situation where it doesn’t matter whether the people back home are Republicans, Democrats, Greens, Libertarians, Nader-Gonzalez supporters. There’s such a deep sense of betrayal, of panic, of stampede, of surrender, of cowardliness in Congress, that it’s going to affect the election and the turnout.

I’d like Barack Obama, actually, to support the Nader-Gonzalez ticket.

AMY GOODMAN: Finally, Arun Gupta, people are bringing old junk to the protest today—records, old clothes, things they don’t want— to symbolize…?

ARUN GUPTA: That’s one of the themes, cash for trash, which is how this bailout bill is being characterized—in other words, that the government is giving the taxpayers’ good money for these worthless securities. So, many protesters are saying, well, let’s bring our own trash to Wall Street. We’ll create a junk pile and then ask the government to bail us out.

AMY GOODMAN: We’re going to leave it there. Arun Gupta is the reporter and editor of The Indypendent newspaper here in New York, organizer of today’s protest on Wall Street. There will be more than a hundred other protests around the country. We’ll report on them tomorrow. Ralph Nader, Independent candidate for president, speaking to us on the campaign trail in Pittsburgh.


Creative Commons License The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.

Wednesday, September 24, 2008

WATCH OUT!! CRISIS! GIVE US YOUR FIRST BORN!

Rush Transcript

This transcript is available free of charge. However, donations help us provide closed captioning for the deaf and hard of hearing on our TV broadcast. Thank you for your generous contribution.
Donate - $25, $50, $100, More...

AMY GOODMAN: While the collapse of this country’s financial system continues to send shock waves around the world, I’m joined on the telephone by bestselling author of The Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein. Her latest article for the Huffington Post is called “Now Is the Time to Resist Wall Street’s Shock Doctrine.” Naomi Klein, welcome to Democracy Now!

NAOMI KLEIN: Thanks, Amy. Great to talk with you.

AMY GOODMAN: Explain. What do you mean?

NAOMI KLEIN: Well, the thesis of my book, what I mean by the “shock doctrine,” is that it is in times of crisis, it is in times when people are panicked, when we’ve seen again and again the right push through radical pro-corporate policies, what they call “free market reforms,” precisely because it is in a crisis where the space for debate rapidly closes, and you can invoke this state of emergency to say we have no choice.

And I think we’re seeing a very dramatic example of this tactic right now with this really extortionist kind of tactics playing out in Washington. You know, “Sign this blank check, or we’re all going down, or Main Street is going down, or taxpayers—you know, the sky will fall in on them.”

I’m also arguing that this is only stage one of the shock doctrine. They’re getting this—they’re lobbying for this huge bailout, obviously, but this bailout is a kind of a time bomb, because it’s all these bad debts, and they are going to explode on the next administration. I mean, we know that the Bush administration has already left the next administration with huge debt and deficit problems. They’ve just exploded those, expanded them. And what that means is that whoever the next president is is going to be inheriting this economic crisis that is being exacerbated by this bailout.

So, in the case of McCain, I think—if he’s the president, then I think we know what he’ll do, because we know he wants to privatize Social Security, which is something that Wall Street’s been wanting for a long time, another bubble. We know he has said in the next—in the first 100 days of his administration he’ll look at every program and either reform it or shut it down. This is really a recipe for economic shock therapy. So, while you have all of these trivial issues being discussed in the election season, I think what we could—what we’re really—you know, under the surface, they’re actually being quite clear. They’re going to take—if they take power, it will be in the midst of an economic emergency. They’ll invoke that emergency to push through very, very radical changes. So, you know, what I’ve been saying is, this is not four more years of Bush; it’s much, much worse in the case of another Republican administration.

But there’s huge problems for Democrats, as well, if they win this election, because, you know, we need to only think back to the situation in which Clinton took power, where he ran an election on an economic populist platform, promising to renegotiate NAFTA. Then there was an economic crisis. Clinton came under intense lobbying by people like Robert Rubin, who’s also advising Obama right now, and by the time he took office, he had embraced economic austerity.

So, people need to understand these tactics, need to put pressure on the candidates, the parties, and reject this tactic. And I’ve actually been really heartened, Amy, that people are onto these shock tactics and aren’t falling for it. And, you know, to the extent that we’re seeing a little bit of spine from the Democrats, it is only, as Chris Dodd said, because they are hearing it from their constituents. So people need to keep up this pressure right now.

AMY GOODMAN: Naomi Klein, one of the things you write about in this piece in Huffington Post is the wish list that comes from former Republican House Speaker Newt Gingrich—

NAOMI KLEIN: Yes.

AMY GOODMAN: —laying out policy prescriptions for Congress.

NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah. I mean, there is pressure being put on Congress from Democrats who—you know, we’ve heard the proposals to cap executive pay and to have a moratorium on foreclosures. It’s coming not from all Democrats, but from some. But there’s something going on on the Republican side, where you have people like Newt Gingrich, and you also have the Republican Study Committee, which is a group of very influential Republican lawmakers who are saying that they’re opposed to the bailout, and they also have their wish list. And I think it is that it’s not that they’re going to oppose a bailout completely; it’s that they want economic changes, right-wing, pro-corporate economic changes, attached to a bailout. So, Newt Gingrich has his list. He’s got eighteen demands. But I think even more important than that is the Republican Study Committee, and I raise this because they’ve just issued their ransom list. It starts with suspending the capital gains tax, privatizing Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, suspending mark-to-market accounting, which is the rule that requires companies to assess their assets at current market values.

So, what’s so stunning about this, Amy, is that here you have a crisis that everyone seems to agree is borne of deregulation, and they’re actually calling for more deregulation. We have a situation where the debt is exploding on American taxpayers, and they want to suspend corporate profits—sorry, corporate taxes, which is actually what might defray some of those costs from regular taxpayers. So it’s an incredible display of opportunism. And this is what I mean by stage two of the shock doctrine. The first stage is just the bailout, but the second stage are all of these radical reforms that are going to be invoked in the name of the crisis that the bailout is creating, whether it’s pushed through right now or whether it’s pushed through later.

But what’s important—you know, Amy, in the book, I talk about—I start the book with a quote from Milton Friedman that has really made the rounds a lot lately, which is that—and this is a Friedman quote—that “only a crisis, actual or perceived, produces real change. And when the crisis occurs, the change depends on the ideas that are lying around." And then he goes on to say, “That, I believe, is our basic function: to keep the ideas ready until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable.” So I think it’s really important for people to look at the ideas that are lying around.

There’s enormous corporate lobbying going on to, for instance, eliminate the post-Enron collapse regulations, to actually say that the way to save the American economy—you know, you heard Henry Paulson equating—still equating the interests of the financial sector with the interests of everyone else. We know that’s simply not true. But it’s that—precisely that logic that then is used to say, OK, these are the—this is what the financial community, this is what the corporate world needs in order to revive the economy: they need less regulation, they need less taxation.

So, we should be really, really wary of this claim that we’re hearing that free market ideology is dead, that this marks the end of, you know, of capitalism. You know, I’m sorry, that is not the case. It may be going dormant for a little while to rationalize these massive bailouts, but it will come roaring back, and the crisis that is being deepened right now through these bailouts will be invoked for even more radical deregulation, privatization, tax cuts and so on.

AMY GOODMAN: It seems clearly, Naomi Klein, what’s needed, a key ingredient here, is speed.

NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah.

AMY GOODMAN: You see this happen right after 9/11 with the USA PATRIOT Act being pushed through. You saw it with the vote in October of 2002 for the invasion of Iraq. It’s speed and the idea of an imminent threat.

NAOMI KLEIN: Absolutely.

AMY GOODMAN: And then, of course, this week it’s not only about passing this legislation, but it is passing it by Friday.

NAOMI KLEIN: Absolutely. You know, and a lot of people have even described this Paulson plan as an economic PATRIOT Act. You know, one of the mistakes that I think they made, honestly, Amy, is how short it is. It’s just three pages, which means—you know, usually these pieces of legislation are much longer, so people don’t even bother reading them in that moment of extortion—you know, “Pass it now, or else…or else the sky falls in.” So, you know, in this case, I think they made a miscalculation. You know, there was an interesting article in Time that just came out, where they actually say that they have been working—you know, this is a quote—it says, “[Paulson] and his team [have] been working on [this] proposal for more than six months.” So, it’s quite surprising that it is as pared down as it is. It’s three pages. And the craziest thing has happened: people have read it. Regular people have read it. It doesn’t take that much time. And, you know, you read Section 8, which is just so stunning, just so bold in its demand for total and complete impunity. And that’s really what’s getting in their way, is people are reading this text, and they’re frankly shocked by it.

You know, we heard Henry Paulson say that he thought it would have been presumptuous to put in clauses calling for regulation. This is absolute nonsense. Section 2 of the same document talks about how they have the right to hire contractors to administer this huge operation, and we know that that means contracting with some of the very firms who are going to be bailed out. And then it says that it would be—they would be contracting them without regard to any other provision of law regarding public contracts. Amy, that is just as—that’s Iraq levels of impunity, or even more. I mean, basically what they are saying is that we want to be able to contract with companies but exempt those companies from the existing laws that bar conflict of interest, that have whistleblowing laws. I mean, the laws exist on the books, and they are actively excluding these contracts from those laws. So the idea that they didn’t want to be presumptuous is complete nonsense. They are being extremely presumptuous, because they are actively excluding these contractors, these would-be contractors, from existing oversight. We have to be very clear about this.

AMY GOODMAN: It’s interesting who Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson is, served as an assistant to Richard Nixon’s assistant, John Ehrlichman, and moved right from there to Goldman Sachs, then became head of it when, well, the now-Senator and then-Governor Corzine left Goldman Sachs.

NAOMI KLEIN: You know, Amy, I don’t think we can stress this enough. Henry Paulson is one of the key people, the top people, responsible for creating the crisis that he is now claiming he will solve, you know, and this is—if we think about the 9/11 analogy and, you know, the state of shock that Americans were in after 9/11 and the emergence of Rudy Giuliani as the savior—and, you know, people have so much regret about that. And in the book, I write about this as the state of regression that we go into when we’re frightened. And I think Henry Paulson has really been cast in this role as an economic Rudy Giuliani, saving the day, impartial, bipartisan, a strong leader.

I found this article in BusinessWeek that ran when Paulson was appointed to the Treasury, and I just want to read you one sentence, because I think it’s all we need to know about Henry Paulson. This is from BusinessWeek, when he got the appointment as Treasury Secretary in 2006. The headline of the article is “Mr. Risk Goes to Washington.” It says, “Think of Paulson as Mr. Risk. He’s one of the key architects of a more daring Wall Street, where securities firms are taking greater and greater chances in [their] pursuit of profits. By some key measures, the securities industry is more leveraged now than it was at the height of the 1990s boom.”

Then it goes on to say that when Paulson took over Goldman Sachs in 1999, they had $20 billion in debts. When he—in these high-risk gambles. When he left, they had $100 billion, which means he took their risk level from $20 billion to $100 billion. So it is absolutely no exaggeration to say that Henry Paulson, far from speaking for Main Street, is actually bailing out his colleagues for some of the very debts that he himself accumulated. This is an extraordinary conflict of interest.

AMY GOODMAN: And then, of course, there’s the question of his own interests in Goldman Sachs today.

NAOMI KLEIN: Well, you know, allegedly, he divested from the company, so I can’t comment on that, but I think there’s some good investigation to be done.

AMY GOODMAN: Naomi Klein, I want to thank you for being with us, award-winning journalist, syndicated columnist, author of the bestselling book The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism.


Creative Commons License The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.

Tuesday, September 23, 2008

VOTERS FOR PEACE & PETITION

I have been asked to forward this widely, and this is as widely as it gets for me:


Home | Donate | About Us | Contact Us Current projects: VotersForPeace | TrueVoteMD | TrueVoteUS | Climate Security Project

PLEASE FORWARD WIDELY

September 23, 2008

Dear Peace Voter,

I am taking the unique step of writing to you from the Campaign for Fresh Air and Clean Politics, the parent organization of Voters for Peace, True Vote and Climate Security. The proposed bailout being considered in Washington, DC requires people to work together to stop it and replace it with a program that is transparent, protects the interests of the American people and requires that those who profited from the high risk financial speculation pay the cost of the clean-up. The bailout needs to be part of the revitalization of the U.S. economy not a blank check for big banks.

I just got off a conference call with more than 100 organizations from the peace, environment, labor, economic, civil rights and civil liberties communities. We are all coming together around a message of "Stop the Bailout." A panic has been put in place that is causing a stampede toward a questionable solution. The bailout is being proposed without any transparency. Americans do not even know why the bailout is needed or what financial institutions deserve taxpayer support.

And, the solution put in place has no independent oversight by Congress or the Judiciary - in fact, the bill specifically says that no judicial review of decisions is allowed, stating: "Decisions by the Secretary [of the Treasury] pursuant to the authority of this Act are non-reviewable and committed to agency discretion, and may not be reviewed by any court of law or any administrative agency."

There is nothing in the bill that would prevent the misuse or even theft of hundreds of billions of dollars. The bill essentially requires us to put blind faith in the Bush administration, especially Treasury Secretary Paulsen, the former CEO of Goldman Sachs who made hundreds of millions profiting from the financial industry.

We need to act now to slow Congress down and stop the panic. Please take three steps:

  1. Click here and send an email to Congress. The email tells Congress not to be panicked into a stampede of taxpayer giveaways to reckless financial interests; urges Congress to first determine what the underlying problem is and develop a specific solution to it; and then, it urges that those who profited from three decades of reckless finance be required to pay for the clean-up. Finally, it seeks an economic development plan that rebuilds the foundations of the U.S. economy - which in fact are not sound.
  2. Call Congress now and urge your representatives to stop the bailout. Call 202-224-3121.
  3. Send this email to everyone you know. This is the moment when people need to come together and demand accountability from Congress, the administration and the financial institutions seeking a bailout.

If you would like to be kept informed about activities responding to the bailout please let me know by clicking here.

We have been stampeded into war, undermining of civil liberties and now into undermining the U.S. economy. If we stand together we can stop the stampede and bring sense to the economy and make it work for the American people rather than big banks.

Sincerely,

Kevin Zeese

Executive Director

P.S. I will be on the Marc Steiner Show on WEAA, 88.9 FM in Baltimore today. You can hear the show live at 5:00 on the radio or on www.weaa.org. Or you can hear a podcast on the Center for Emerging Media, www.CenterForEmergingMedia.org.



Campaign for Fresh Air and Clean Politics
2842 N. Calvert St.
Baltimore, MD 21218


443-708-8360

Copyright 2006-2008 Campaign for Fresh Air & Clean Politics All rights reserved.

Sunday, September 21, 2008

Understanding McCain

THE ABSURD TIMES






Illustration: We welcome back our illustrator. He has escaped the wind swept deserts of the southwest, pulled the cactus pins out of his feet, returned to north of the Mason-Dixon line, eaten some real food and quenched his thirst and is ready for action.

About the only way to get an idea of what McCain stands for a believes is to quote him and paraphrase his own statements and those of his own trusted advisors.

We are only in an "intellectual depression."
The fundamentals of our economy are strong.
I don't know much about economics.
We are a nation of whiners.
The workers of the United States are the fundamentals of our society.
I am going to clean up Washington by kicking out the lobbists, except those who run my campaign (most of them).
Obama has been in Washington too long.
I am a Maverick -- just like James Garner.
Our economy is in a mess.
I know how to be President of the United States because I was a POW.
I will fire the head of the SEC. [That would be illegal]
Sarah Palin is the most qualified person in the United States to be President if something happens to me.
Bomb, bomb, bomb -- bomb, bomb Iran.
(Just kidding)
Al Kyda is trained in Iran.
Did I mention I'm a maverick?
I am going to learn how to use the google.
I will learn how to use the e-mail.
"John McCain helped invent the Blackberry for America." [One of his spokesman -- the product was invented in Canada.]
Yes, I have several houses, but when I was a POW I didn't even have a chair.

You know, this is getting pretty depressing, so I'll stop here.
Below is an article that makes a bit of sense out of our economic situation:


************************************************************************


Wall Street and Washington

How the Rules of the Game Have Changed

What is Washington to do as the financial system collapses? Clearly, stark differences in approach as well as in public policy have already emerged. Bail-out Bear Stearns and pump up the brokerage and investment business with new lines of credit. Nationalize Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac on the backs of the taxpayer -- but let Lehman drown. Tell the financial community to save itself, after which Bank of America salutes and buys Merrill Lynch. Then, the Fed gets cold feet and decides it can't let an institution the size of the insurance giant AIG go under as well. Washington is left staring into the abyss. The old rules no longer apply.

And that's the point. At moments of crisis since the mid-1980s, the relationship between Washington and Wall Street has changed fundamentally, at least when compared to anything that would have been recognizable in the previous century. As a result, the road ahead is dark and unknown.

During the nineteenth century, Washington was generally happy to do favors for Wall Street financiers. Railroad tycoons, who often used those railroads as vehicles of extravagant speculation, enjoyed subsidies, tax exemptions, loans, and a whole smorgasbord of financial fringe benefits supplied by pliable Congressmen and Senators (not to mention armadas of state and local officials).

Since the political establishment was committed to laissez-faire, legerdemain by greedy bankers was immune from public scrutiny, which was also useful (for them). But when panic struck, the mighty, as well as the meek, went down with the ship. Washington felt no obligation to rush to the rescue of the reckless. The bracing, if merciless, discipline of the free market did its work and there was blood on the floor.

By early in the twentieth century, however, the savage anarchy of the financial marketplace had been at least partially domesticated under the reign of the greatest financier of them all, J.P. Morgan. Ever since the panic of 1907, the legend of Morgan's heroics in single-handedly stopping a meltdown that threatened to become worldwide, the iron discipline he imposed on more timorous bankers, has been told and re-told each time an analogous implosion looms.

Indeed, last week's news carried its fair share of 1907-Morgan stories, trailing in their wake an implicit wistfulness. They all asked, in effect: Where is the old boy when we need him?

Back then, with Morgan performing his role as the nation's unofficial private central banker, Teddy Roosevelt's administration continued to keep its distance from Wall Street, still unready to offer salvation to desperate financial oligarchs. Not normally chummy with Morgan and his crowd, Roosevelt did cheer from the sidelines as the über-banker performed his rescue operation.

As it turned out, though, the days of Washington agnosticism about Wall Street were numbered. The economy had become too complex and delicate a mechanism and, in 1907, had come far too close to meltdown -- even Morgan's efforts couldn't prevent several years of recession -- to leave financial matters entirely in the hands of the private sector.

First came the Federal Reserve. It was established in 1913 under President Woodrow Wilson as a quasi-public authority meant to regulate the country's credit markets -- albeit one heavily influenced by the viewpoints and interests of the country's principal bankers. That worked well enough until the Great Crash of 1929 and the Great Depression that followed and lasted until World War II. The depth of the country's trauma in those long years vastly expanded the scope of Washington's involvement in the financial marketplace.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal did, as a start, engage in some bail-out operations. The Reconstruction Finance Corporation, actually created by President Herbert Hoover, continued to rescue major railroads and other key businesses, while some of the New Deal's efforts to help homeowners also rewarded real estate interests. The main emphasis, however, now switched to regulation. The Glass-Steagall Banking Act, the two laws of 1933 and 1934 regulating the stock exchange, the creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission, and other similar measures subjected the financial sector to fairly rigorous public supervision.

This lasted for at least two political generations. Wall Street, after all, had been convicted in the court of public opinion of reckless, incompetent, self-interested, even felonious behavior with consequences so devastating for the rest of the country that government was licensed to make sure it didn't happen again.

The undoing of that New Deal regulatory regime, and its replacement, largely under Republican administrations (although Glass-Steagall was repealed on Clinton's watch), with what some have called the "socialization of risk" has contributed in a major way to the mess we're in today. Beginning most emphatically with the massive bail-out of the savings and loan industry in the late 1980s, Washington committed itself, at least under conditions of acute crisis, to off-loading the risks taken by major financial institutions, no matter how irrationally speculative and wasteful, onto the backs of the American taxpaying public.

Despite free market/anti-big-government rhetoric, real-life Washington has tacitly acknowledged the degree to which our national economy has become dependent on the financial sector (Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate -- or FIRE). It will do whatever it takes to keep it afloat.

This applies not only to particular institutions like Bear Stearns, or even to mortgage mega-firms like Fannie and Freddie, but to finance in general. When it seemed necessary, public monies were indeed funneled in the general direction of the banking/brokerage community to shore up the whole rickety structure. This allowed one burst bubble -- the dot-com debacle -- to be replaced by another, namely our late, lamented mortgage/collaterized-debt-obligation bonanza, just now dramatically going down the tubes.

Backstopping the present bail-out is the ever-credulous, put-upon American public with its presumably inexhaustible resources. Even while Washington was instituting the periodic "socialization" of bad debts, it was systematically abandoning the New Deal's commitment to regulation. That, of course, was in the very period when financial markets became ever more arcane, ever less comprehensible even to their Frankenstein-ian inventors, and ever more in need of monitoring. So the "socialization of risk" was accompanied by the "privatization of reward," which now is likely to prove a truly deadly combination.

That the crisis has now reached a newly terrifying stage is suggested by Washington's sudden willingness to depart from the new orthodoxy and let the huge investment bank, Lehman Brothers, go under. Some may see in this a steely return to a laissez-faire faith. More likely, it represents wholesale confusion on the part of Bush administration and Federal Reserve policymakers about what to do, even as all endangered businesses have come to take it for granted that Washington will toss them a life-preserver when they need it.

The times call for a new departure. The next administration, which will surely enter office under the greatest economic pressure in memory, must confront reality. The financial system is out of control and has led the economy into a wildly turbulent sea of heavily leveraged speculation.

It's time for a reversal of course. Stringent re-regulation of FIRE is not enough anymore. Washington's mission may, at this late date, be an even greater one than Roosevelt's New Deal faced. The government must figure out how to deploy its power to shift the flow of investment capital out of the mine-fields of speculative paper transactions and back into productive channels that will help meet the material needs of American society. Real value must be created in place of chimeras. In the meantime, we all have ringside seats -- in fact, far too close to the action for comfort -- as another gilded age is ending. What comes after is, in part, up to us.

Steve Fraser is working on a book about the two gilded ages. A TomDispatch regular and co-director of the American Empire Project series at Metropolitan Books, he is the author of, among other works, the recently published Wall Street: America's Dream Palace.

[This article first appeared on Tomdispatch.com, a weblog of the Nation Institute, which offers a steady flow of alternate sources, news, and opinion from Tom Engelhardt, long time editor in publishing, co-founder of the American Empire Project, author of The End of Victory Culture, and editor of The World According to Tomdispatch: America in the New Age of Empire.]

Tuesday, September 16, 2008

I told you so






THE ABSURD TIMES

It seems a bit far out to announce any edition of THE ABSURD TIMES as strange, but here it is. Several things have been happening and it's about time to catch up on them.
I guess the first issue some hoopla I've been overhearing about the Cubs finally winning the World Series. The Red Sox had the so-called "Curse of the Babe," referring to the sale of Babe Ruth. They finally won the World Series, coming back from a 0-3 deficit, the first time that has ever happened. So, anything is possible, right? Nope.
First of all, the Cubs have to settle for a curse of a billy goat, not someone like Babe Ruth. Any idea as to the last time the Cubs won the World Series? Here is an illustration:



That is a photo, taken 1oo years ago this month of the first demonstration of a flight by the Wright Brothers -- it lasted 90 seconds, I understand. The next month, the Cubs won their second straight World Series. And their last.
True, they did get into the world series in the 40s, so we nuked Japan to celebrate. But that has been it. The Cubs will not win the Word Series this year.
Cubs fans will not believe it. Think of it this way: it was not until the late 80s that the Cubs got lights installed and decided to play night games. Any idea what happened? No? I'll tell you: networks from all over the world came to cover it. Bill Murray sat in the broadcast booth, free. The biggest event in baseball history. Well, it was rained out in the third inning -- it wasn't even an official game.
The Cubs will not win the Word Series this year.

*****************************************************
THE NEXT DEPRESSION:
When all the fuss about Sallie Mae happened, I said this is just the beginning. Starting with Reagen, but reaching its culmination in Bush 43, every single measure taken by FDR to prevent another depression has been weakened or eliminated in order to "get the government off your back."
The Depression started with the policies of a prominent Republican, Herbert Hoover, who was recently quoted by John McCain:



After Hoover had his depression, FDR came along and adopted many of the policies advocated by Eugene Debs:






Since Debs was right, and since his ideas offended big business, he was put in prison by Warren Harding, the most corrupt President of the United States, at least until Richard Nixon came along, who held that honor until Bush 43 came along. Anyway, the last program in the FDR tradition, Medicare, came in the 60s and it, along with Social Security, would be given to the stock markets, like the one we have now, if George 43 had his way. Obama at least voted against it, McCain for it. right now, AIG has lost 90% of its value and there is talk of a bailout.
We don't need a bailout -- nationalize the damn thing. Nationalize Exxon-Mobile while we are at it. Nationalize every money sucking corporation on the Dow Jones. And be sure to nationalize Haliburton while we are at it -- that will keep us out of any future wars. Don't "privatize" what is working, nationalize what isn't.
Of course, they'd be after me if this had wider circulation, just as Harding did to Debs, but there is strength in invisablity. Who'd listen to that much common sense?
Besides, McCain has the answer: appoint a commission, just like 9/11.

*****
This leads us to our final point, Obama's big mistake. We don't have to see Palin, explained below, or hear McCain quoting Hoover to know Obama's big lie. He said, "The American people aren't stupid!" Now let's face the truth: without that half of the electorate in love with Pain and devoted to McCain, the rest of us would only be normal.
*****
The following was sent to me by one of your who had it sent to him. I don't know the source, but if you are and want credit, just comment. If you want it deleted, so be it.
Anyway, here it is:










I'm a little confused. Let me see if I have this straight.....

* If you grow up in Hawaii, raised by your grandparents, you're "exotic, different."

* Grow up in Alaska eating mooseburgers, you are a quintessential American story.



* If your name is Barack you're a radical, unpatriotic Muslim.

* Name your kids Willow, Trig and Track, you're a maverick.


* Graduate from Harvard law School and you are unstable.

* Attend 5 different small colleges before graduating, you're well grounded.


* If you spend 3 years as a brilliant community organizer, become the first black President of the Harvard Law Review, create a voter registration drive that registers 150,000 new voters, spend 12 years as a Constitutional Law professor, spend 8 years as a State Senator representing a district with over 750,000 people, become chairman of the state Senate's Health and Human Services committee, spend 4 years in the United States Senate representing a state of 13 million people while sponsoring 131 bills and serving on the Foreign Affairs, Environment and Public Works and Veteran's Affairs committees, you don't have any real leadership experience.

* If your total resume is: local weather girl, 4 years on the city council and 6 years as the mayor of a town with less than 7,000 people, 20 months as the governor of a state with only 650,000 people, then you're qualified to become the country's second highest ranking executive.



* If you have been married to the same woman for 19 years while raising 2 beautiful daughters, all within Protestant churches, you're not a real Christian.

* If you cheated on your first wife with a rich heiress, and left your disfigured wife and married the heiress the next month, you're a Christian.

* If you teach responsible, age appropriate sex education, including the proper use of birth control, you are eroding the fiber of society.

* If, while governor, you staunchly advocate abstinence only, with no other option in sex education in your state's school system while your unwed teen daughter ends up pregnant , you're very responsible.



* If your wife is a Harvard graduate lawyer who gave up a position in a prestigious law firm to work for the betterment of her inner city community, then gave that up to raise a family, your family's values don't represent America's.

* If your husband is nicknamed "First Dude", with at least one DWI conviction and no college education, who didn't register to vote until age 25 and once was a member of a group that advocated the secession of Alaska from the USA, your family is extremely admirable.

-----
OK, it's much clearer now.